著：（挪威）卡爾·奧托·埃利弗森 （挪威）艾斯彭·奧克魯斯特·豪林 譯：王威

安妮·惠斯頓·斯本（Anne Whiston Spirn）引入“深層結(jié)構(gòu)”（deep structure）的概念來表示景觀的持久穩(wěn)定性：“景觀中的所有有機體都與之回應(yīng)。深層結(jié)構(gòu)可以傳達特定地點的基本氣候、地貌和生物過程（信息）。這些過程跨越了漫長的時間尺度，在大區(qū)域和微觀尺度上運行和相互作用，進而形成了深層結(jié)構(gòu)。”深層結(jié)構(gòu)由地域和地方的特征（包括全球地方化、地質(zhì)和氣候因素）塑造，這些因素“造就了具有鮮明的空間、物理和時間特征的景觀結(jié)構(gòu)”[1]。

深層結(jié)構(gòu)代表資源，為生態(tài)系統(tǒng)、棲息地以及社會與環(huán)境進程奠定基礎(chǔ)。用斯本的話來說：“（深層結(jié)構(gòu)）響應(yīng)了自然進程和變化的人類目的。”[1]人類與生態(tài)系統(tǒng)互動并改變環(huán)境，甚至有意識地構(gòu)建系統(tǒng)，創(chuàng)造出查爾斯·L.雷德曼（Charles L. Redman）所定義的“社會生態(tài)系統(tǒng)”[2]。然而這些系統(tǒng)并不是穩(wěn)定的。根據(jù)埃勒·C.埃利斯（Erle C. Ellis）的說法，社會文化生態(tài)位建設(shè)（socio-cultural niche construction）是一個持續(xù)的過程，人類根據(jù)自身需要改變著環(huán)境和生態(tài)系統(tǒng)[3]①。

在歷史上，景觀（相對于荒野）生產(chǎn)的邏輯與地方特定的豎向驅(qū)力直接相關(guān)，而全球生產(chǎn)鏈和市場使得地方景觀受到本土和地域生態(tài)位之外的橫向驅(qū)力的影響。應(yīng)對（應(yīng)對策略）的概念描述了社會是如何改變以開拓新的條件[4-5]，它關(guān)注的是人們和社會如何創(chuàng)造更多的機會，或者更具體地說，是根據(jù)自身需求制定重要的策略，用亨利·列斐伏爾（Henri Lefevre）的一個術(shù)語來解釋，就是根據(jù)自身需求進行“空間生產(chǎn)”（produce space）[6]。

當(dāng)討論社會、景觀、建筑是如何相互關(guān)聯(lián)的問題時，將建成環(huán)境視為社會物質(zhì)（sociomaterial）的多層序列，呼應(yīng)不同的歷史結(jié)構(gòu)不失為一個行之有效的方式?！霸诿恳粋€社會物質(zhì)層中，人們都可以觀察到建成環(huán)境與物質(zhì)生活互動的蹤跡。周邊事物既是生存方式的框架，也是生活文化的表達[7]。

1 深層結(jié)構(gòu)

挪威西臨北大西洋，北臨巴倫支海，從坐落于李斯塔的南部燈塔到北部城市瓦爾達的距離為1 789 km[8]。挪威的海岸線崎嶇，沿峽灣延伸，總長約100 915 km[9]（圖1），僅次于加拿大。北極圈（66°33′45″N，即極晝和極夜現(xiàn)象出現(xiàn)的理論邊界）從距挪威最北端約800 km的薩爾特山脈橫穿挪威。從地理角度而言，這意味著挪威北部的大部分地區(qū)屬于北極或更準(zhǔn)確地說是亞北極地區(qū)，是森林帶與北方針葉林之間的過渡地帶。然而，受到墨西哥灣暖流的影響，挪威沿海氣候相當(dāng)溫和，只有在芬馬克（挪威最北端的郡縣）的東部半島，出現(xiàn)類似于西伯利亞、阿拉斯加和加拿大北部的北極氣候——位于66°33′N以北的無夏季帶，7月平均氣溫低于10 ℃。

1 挪威海岸線，連接海洋和歐洲文脈Norway, coast, access to oceans and European context

北大西洋海岸的大部分地區(qū)山脈陡峭貧瘠，最高峰可達1 800 m。整個地區(qū)主要處在加里東山脈地質(zhì)帶，海洋通過峽灣和縱深的溝渠與陸地接壤。羅弗敦群島、塞尼亞群島和韋斯特隆群島是鱈魚漁業(yè)的核心區(qū)域，主要由堅硬的前寒武紀(jì)基巖構(gòu)成，地貌種類多樣，向海洋內(nèi)部延伸。在芬馬克郡，95%的土地在海拔500 m以下，沉積物向下滲透，將基巖覆蓋，形成了一個沒有樹木、主要由苔蘚和地衣組成的生物群落。沿峽灣和島嶼向南，是挪威語稱作“濱海平地”的地方，即海岸線和山脈之間地勢平坦的草木繁盛之地。

自古以來，在這片土地上，人們賴以生存的資源是海洋而非陸地。深水測量（bathymetry，圖2）是深層結(jié)構(gòu)的重要組成部分。連通著島嶼和峽灣的崎嶇海岸造就了極其多樣的水下地貌，2種不同的陸地系統(tǒng)對漁業(yè)和漁村的地方化具有決定性意義。一種是淺水區(qū)，從羅弗敦以南的瓦斯特弗約頓向北一直延伸到大西洋的底部（挪威海盆），這個深水邊界叫作Egga。另一種是連續(xù)的淺水海岸，它沿著芬馬克海岸延伸至巴倫支海的海底，具有適于漁業(yè)的特性。這2個系統(tǒng)是2種同類型海洋生態(tài)系統(tǒng)的基礎(chǔ)。

2 挪威北部海岸的深水測量The bathymetry of the North Norwegian coast

2 資源

在國際市場中，如不依賴國家的補貼和優(yōu)厚的區(qū)域政策，挪威北部薄弱的農(nóng)業(yè)將無法存續(xù)。相反，大西洋北部沿海水域和巴倫支海的魚類資源可能是世界上最豐饒的。根據(jù)對生產(chǎn)系統(tǒng)和聚落結(jié)構(gòu)的歷史影響而言，大西洋鱈魚（挪威語：skrei）是生態(tài)系統(tǒng)中的初級資源②。不同于生活在峽灣和大西洋的普通沿海鱈魚，大西洋鱈魚一年中的大部分時間生活在北極和巴倫支海，每年冬季從巴倫支海向南遷徙，它們沿Egga，跟隨富含營養(yǎng)的水流到達羅弗敦群島以南、位于瓦斯特弗約頓的產(chǎn)卵地，成為1—4月的漁期資源。世界上大多數(shù)的鱈魚捕撈業(yè)現(xiàn)在都已成為歷史。曾經(jīng)對葡萄牙人，以及后來對美國人和加拿大人都十分重要的紐芬蘭漁業(yè)，因過度捕撈已不復(fù)存在。到目前為止，在斯瓦爾巴群島和揚馬延島的漁業(yè)區(qū)和大的國家經(jīng)濟區(qū)中，挪威的漁業(yè)資源管理是相對成功的。受水深、墨西哥灣暖流的走向和緯度差異的影響，大西洋和巴倫支海的生態(tài)條件在遠(yuǎn)洋漁業(yè)（鯡魚、鯖魚、毛鱗魚、沙鰻和其他群游魚類）和底棲漁業(yè)（除了鱈魚以外的大部分白魚，以及黑線鱈和狹鱈的儲備都是最豐富的）中都呈現(xiàn)差異（圖3）。

3 挪威北部海岸魚類資源。圖上綠色區(qū)域表示鱈魚的位置，顏色越深表示鱈魚資源越豐富Fishing resources along the Northern Coast of Norway. The intensity of the green color shows the localization and abundance of the species Cod

濱海平地——圍繞著峽灣的適于耕種的平坦區(qū)域，上面的沉積物成為農(nóng)業(yè)、畜牧業(yè)和種植業(yè)的基礎(chǔ)資源。這里的氣候過于惡劣，不適合種植谷物和水果，因此在農(nóng)場附近的菜地種植土豆、胡蘿卜、卷心菜和一些漿果類作物，此外，未開墾的大地也可以被加以利用，薩米族人冬季在長有鹿蕊的內(nèi)陸牧場放牧，夏季則遷移到沿海地區(qū)。陸地和海洋中的很多資源，例如水力、礦產(chǎn)、石油和天然氣都已被人們利用，然而其中仍有許多潛在資源。

3 社會文化生態(tài)位建設(shè)

鱈魚漁業(yè)的一個特點是生產(chǎn)過程具有較為持續(xù)的穩(wěn)定性。在1 000年前，鱈魚干是第一種可以在歐洲市場流通的挪威商品。它的生產(chǎn)模式非常簡單，就是把除去內(nèi)臟的魚掛在架子上晾干。尤其受墨西哥灣暖流影響，島嶼的氣候相對溫暖，陽光充足且多風(fēng)，（這為鱈魚干的生成）營造了完美的風(fēng)干環(huán)境，避免了霜凍和昆蟲的侵?jǐn)_?，F(xiàn)代鋼架保留了與傳統(tǒng)木桿架類似的設(shè)計和技術(shù)，用于懸掛和晾曬鱈魚。在專業(yè)和商業(yè)生活方面，城市化意味著專門化。在挪威北部海岸，這種專業(yè)化很早就發(fā)生了，因為鱈魚干成為一種國際商品，這不僅創(chuàng)造了商業(yè)經(jīng)濟，也創(chuàng)造了漁村。這些漁村在某種程度上充當(dāng)了專業(yè)化聚落的角色，專門為國際市場提供漁業(yè)產(chǎn)品（圖4、5）。

4 地圖顯示了位于羅弗敦、韋斯特龍和塞尼亞島漁村的位置點，這是大西洋鱈魚漁業(yè)的核心區(qū)域Map showing the localization of fishing villages in Lofoten, Vester?len and Senja,the core area for the skrei fisheries

人類活動的地域格局（聚落結(jié)構(gòu)）形成的要素包括港口的質(zhì)量、與漁場的距離、水對于漁場可能造成的危害、與可建土地的通達性和本地農(nóng)業(yè)資源儲備。土地利用是陸地和海洋之間的一場協(xié)作與競爭。在北歐乃至歐洲的貿(mào)易體系安全良好時，如中世紀(jì)晚期和19世紀(jì)后期的北歐工業(yè)化時期，漁村繁榮起來；當(dāng)貿(mào)易線路變得不穩(wěn)定，魚價低廉，糧食難以購買時，人們就從漁村遷往峽灣，耕種土地，從事農(nóng)業(yè)。

漁村不是一個明確的統(tǒng)計學(xué)或地理學(xué)術(shù)語。在漁村，漁民在港口有自己的泊位停放船只。漁獲物的最初銷售，即漁民與魚商之間的首次交易，就在漁村里進行。當(dāng)然，漁民不一定都居住在村中，他們可能是在港口捕魚的季節(jié)性工人。歷史上，挪威北部海岸的生存聚落經(jīng)常被描述為小型個體農(nóng)場的集合，依靠捕魚帶來收入。在農(nóng)業(yè)資源豐富和容易捕魚的地方，會形成密集的漁村，它們由許多個體農(nóng)場和農(nóng)舍組成。盡管整個沿海地區(qū)的漁業(yè)遵循著相對一致的模式和技術(shù)，但從地點、產(chǎn)權(quán)條件、生產(chǎn)方式和建造文化的角度來講，每個地方又都與眾不同。漁業(yè)和農(nóng)業(yè)相結(jié)合形成了綜合體農(nóng)場（挪威語：kombinasjonsbruk），漁村代表著漁業(yè)在北方聚落形態(tài)上的印記。

歷史上，不同類型的漁村可以基本區(qū)分為：1）永久定居的村莊，典型的就是由小農(nóng)場組成的密集組團；2）季節(jié)性漁村，以流動性漁民的漁業(yè)為經(jīng)濟支撐（圖5～9）。羅弗敦群島的漁村位于天然港口，靠近漁場，有大量的季節(jié)性鱈魚群經(jīng)過。這些資源歸本地主要的土地持有者和社區(qū)集體所有，他們擁有大型的白色住宅、晾魚架、防洪堤邊上的用于儲存出口干魚的棚屋，以及港口內(nèi)的漁民小屋（這些小屋位于適合建造木質(zhì)房屋的地點），漁業(yè)生產(chǎn)和權(quán)力關(guān)系都蘊含在漁村中。最古老的聚落應(yīng)該是那些有農(nóng)業(yè)資源的、永久定居的漁村。當(dāng)中許多村子的歷史都可以追溯到鱈魚干首次成為交易商品的時代，從中世傳承下來的沿海洋延伸到山腳的狹長的產(chǎn)權(quán)劃分形式，依舊是今天村莊的基礎(chǔ)格局。在19世紀(jì)末的土地整合過程中，挪威農(nóng)村的農(nóng)田經(jīng)歷了重新分配與合并，發(fā)展出更具備經(jīng)濟效率的農(nóng)業(yè)單元，以應(yīng)對不斷增長的城市人口的需求。過程中，農(nóng)舍搬遷和重新組合，原有村莊瓦解。然而漁村的合并并沒有造成密集的農(nóng)舍群落的解散和搬遷，因為漁業(yè)、船只和港口遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)比農(nóng)場更重要。漁業(yè)是一個聯(lián)合性的企業(yè)，依靠海上辛勤勞作的人、經(jīng)營農(nóng)場和照料家庭的人之間通力協(xié)作，從而達成社群聯(lián)結(jié)（圖10）。

5 特羅姆瑟和芬馬克的漁村，從塞尼亞島到與俄羅斯的邊境線。圓圈的附加標(biāo)記表示的是在“二戰(zhàn)”結(jié)束時撤退的德國軍隊燒毀芬馬克后，由社會民主政府創(chuàng)立的漁業(yè)聚點。沿海捕魚資源也標(biāo)注在地圖上Fishing villages in Troms and Finnmark, from the island Senja and to the border with Russia. The additional marking with a circle shows where fishing industries were first initiated by the social-democratic government after the retreating German troops burned down Finnmark at the end of the Second World War. Coastal fishing resources are also marked on the map

6 斯塔姆松——羅弗敦群島西沃格島的主要漁村和貿(mào)易運輸中心之一Stamsund. One of the major fishing villages and center for trade and transport at Vestv?g?y, Lofoten

7 諾德梅拉——位于韋斯特龍的安多島的小漁村，顯示著中世紀(jì)的土地劃分結(jié)構(gòu)。港口得到改善，漁業(yè)被設(shè)立在專門的位置Nordmela. Small fishing village at And?ya, Vester?len,with the medieval plot-structure still showing. The harbor is improved and the fishing industries set on a pier

8 舍勒菲尤爾，諾德金哈爾夫霍伊——一個典型的芬馬克漁村，位于峽灣內(nèi)部朝北的封閉港口。幾乎沒有農(nóng)業(yè)用地，只能進行馴鹿放牧，向南驅(qū)車2 h即可到達主要道路、機場、繁榮的漁場和漁業(yè)地區(qū)Kj?llefjord, Nordkinnhalvh?y. A typical Finnmark fishing village located in a shielded harbor in a fjord facing north.Nearly no agricultural land, only grazing for reindeer,2 hours driving south to reach the main roads, an airport,prospering fisheries and fishing industries

9 諾爾辰半島的梅哈恩——地圖展示著芬馬克典型漁村的形態(tài)。工業(yè)區(qū)位于港口附近，一條連接整個區(qū)域的主干道，在西向坡地上規(guī)劃的住宅區(qū)，中間穿插著用藍(lán)色標(biāo)記的小片草地Mehamn, Nordkinnhalv?ya. Map showing the typical morphology of a fishing village in Finnmark. Industries around the harbor, a main road linking things together,planned areas for housing in the slopes facing west,small patches of grass-land marked in blue

10 貨船“天線”號在邁爾港卸下了一批漁獲的大西洋鱈魚。在工業(yè)生產(chǎn)中，漁獲物被清理并去掉內(nèi)臟，其他所有部分都會被利用。幾個小時內(nèi)，魚就會被放在冰上，裝上拖車，向南部出口The vessel Arial unloads a catch of skrei in Myre harbor.The catch is gutted and cleaned in the industry; all parts of the fish are used. In a few hours the fish is put on ice,and exported southwards on trailers

沿著挪威大部分海岸，從西部的莫勒郡到最北部的芬馬克郡，建立的定居形式——漁村，標(biāo)示著社會文化生態(tài)位、棲息地和聚落形態(tài)。那些地方有的曾經(jīng)荒蕪，如今繁盛；有的已經(jīng)變成城市，漁業(yè)部門變得次要。如今，羅弗敦、韋斯特龍、安多亞和塞尼亞大西洋鱈魚的核心地區(qū)，以及芬馬克海岸沿岸，漁村結(jié)構(gòu)的現(xiàn)狀最為穩(wěn)定，那里的魚類資源全年可享，集約型漁業(yè)在19世紀(jì)之前就已興起。

4 社會物質(zhì)層

調(diào)查漁村的歷史、變化的景觀、村莊的組織方式和建筑時，一系列疊加的“社會物質(zhì)層”[10]會明確地顯現(xiàn)出來。這一概念由社會理論家達哥·奧斯博格（Dag ?sterberg）提出，用于表述城市建筑中的歷史結(jié)構(gòu)。在每個單獨的社會物質(zhì)層中，人們都可以追溯建成環(huán)境與這一物質(zhì)領(lǐng)域中的活動之間的聯(lián)系。這就是景觀和建筑的原則，反映著它們作為生產(chǎn)和生活方式的工具而被創(chuàng)造出來的時代。這種理解方式類似于安德烈·科爾博斯（André Corboz）的概念，他認(rèn)為土地是“復(fù)寫本”（palimpsest），是對隨時間推移而積累的不同景觀層的系統(tǒng)解讀[11]。理解方式也涉及結(jié)構(gòu)主義理論，用歷時（隨著時間）和同時（現(xiàn)在）的科學(xué)研究詮釋現(xiàn)象[12]。

在研究中，我們根據(jù)時間線區(qū)分出6個不同的社會物質(zhì)層。1）歷史層（historical layer，圖11）反映和顯現(xiàn)于村莊的本地化、土地使用和建筑物的組織原則，以及木質(zhì)建筑的建造原理之中。這些建筑的原材料來源于從俄羅斯運來的松木或者從南部和北部內(nèi)陸購買的木材。17世紀(jì)歐洲貿(mào)易路線被封鎖，在此期間，為漢薩工會貿(mào)易體系供應(yīng)干魚的中世紀(jì)聚落結(jié)構(gòu)走向了沒落。

11 用于晾曬和儲存漁網(wǎng)的架子，展現(xiàn)著20世紀(jì)30年代漁村的歷史層。多樣又特別的混合建筑樣式是挪威北部海岸的建筑傳統(tǒng)，也顯示著基于粗糙木材的取材和建造傳統(tǒng)。這張拍攝于塞尼亞島的照片展示了一個用于晾干和儲物漁網(wǎng)的架子；由巨大的樹干組成的欄架Rack for drying and storing nets, 1930s manifesting the historical layer in the fishing villages. The tradition of building along the Northern Norwegian Coast is manifested by a mix of various but specialized building types, based on a construction—and material tradition—of rough wood. This picture from Senja shows a rack for drying and storing nets; a pole construction made of huge,straight-grown trunks, sourced from the Inner Troms region

隨著北歐的工業(yè)化和城市化發(fā)展，魚類市場以及相應(yīng)的漁村在19世紀(jì)首次出現(xiàn)了蓬勃發(fā)展的趨勢。挪威北部海岸變成了一個擁有吸引力資源的地區(qū)，成為除了美國之外的另一個移民目的地。2）生產(chǎn)和移居層（layer of production and resettlement）建立于19世紀(jì)到“二戰(zhàn)”前的幾十年間，在改善后的港口、臨港的木制工業(yè)建筑、用于農(nóng)產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)的新灌溉形式和耕種的土地，以及傳統(tǒng)住房類型中都可以觀察到。

歐洲漁業(yè)在19世紀(jì)就已經(jīng)實現(xiàn)了工業(yè)化。挪威有意尋找新的政策，用以改善糧食生產(chǎn)，提高漁業(yè)效率并實現(xiàn)沿海地區(qū)的現(xiàn)代化。在戰(zhàn)后的幾十年里，工業(yè)化和現(xiàn)代化是整個歐洲的口頭禪。挪威社會民主政府意圖將兼職農(nóng)民或漁民轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)閷I(yè)專職人員，將他們的妻子和女兒轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)闈O業(yè)工人。這意味著生產(chǎn)結(jié)構(gòu)的根本性改變，從咸魚和干魚工藝轉(zhuǎn)向冷凍魚技術(shù)，魚片產(chǎn)品走入國際市場。并且，為滿足全年資源供應(yīng)，遠(yuǎn)洋拖網(wǎng)捕撈船隊將成為現(xiàn)代漁業(yè)的統(tǒng)領(lǐng)。工業(yè)化適用于新型和不斷發(fā)展的冷凍魚市場，在這里魚運上岸后就冷凍儲存，切片后出口。3）工業(yè)化和現(xiàn)代化層（layer of industrialization and modernization，圖12）明確地體現(xiàn)在新興產(chǎn)業(yè)建筑、工業(yè)碼頭、產(chǎn)業(yè)工人居住區(qū)中。

12 20世紀(jì)50年代末，韋斯特龍邁爾的用于冷凍切片工業(yè)的現(xiàn)代主義建筑，展現(xiàn)出工業(yè)社會物質(zhì)層。戰(zhàn)后挪威的漁業(yè)開始了以拖網(wǎng)漁船、冷凍機和魚片加工流水線為基礎(chǔ)的系統(tǒng)的工業(yè)化進程。圖片中邁爾港已經(jīng)開啟了工業(yè)化的未來Modernist buildings for fillet-freezing industries, Myre, Vester?len, late 1950s, manifesting the industrial socio-material layer. Systematic industrialization of the fisheries started in post-war Norway, based on trawlers, freezers and fillet-lines. Here the industrial future has arrived in Myre harbor

20世紀(jì)50—70年代的地區(qū)社會民主主義政策，促使挪威漁村進一步向社會化發(fā)展。4）社會民主福利層（layer of social democratic welfare）由此建立。在這一時期，挪威農(nóng)村實現(xiàn)了現(xiàn)代化和城市化，但更多的是依托于系統(tǒng)性的權(quán)力下放，而非中央集中控制。主導(dǎo)的福利觀念提倡所有居民都應(yīng)享有同樣的社會和文化服務(wù)。市政福利職能的范圍擴大了，創(chuàng)造了公共行政和服務(wù)的新的工作場所。新建筑的需求，如：市政廳、中學(xué)、體育和游泳館、保健中心、療養(yǎng)院和多功能教堂，接踵而至。權(quán)力下放政策和經(jīng)濟的繁榮使得人們的財力和購買力不斷擴大。貿(mào)易和商業(yè)、商店和汽車銷售進入以前沒有享受過此類服務(wù)的農(nóng)村地區(qū)，創(chuàng)造了就業(yè)機會。部分工業(yè)生產(chǎn)，如造船業(yè)和建材產(chǎn)業(yè)，從城市遷出，由于工業(yè)創(chuàng)新，使得如塑料制品和建筑構(gòu)件的制造出現(xiàn)在了鄉(xiāng)村。

5）自由市場經(jīng)濟和全球化生產(chǎn)層（layer of marked liberal economy and globalized production）建立。挪威的漁業(yè)工業(yè)生產(chǎn)體系在20 世紀(jì)90 年代瓦解是其成因。歐洲去工業(yè)化進程體現(xiàn)著全球資本主義的邏輯，資源、生產(chǎn)和市場在國際、國家和地方之間重新調(diào)配，大部分的制造業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)向了亞洲，也導(dǎo)致了地方性的災(zāi)難。魚片價格跌至國際標(biāo)價，從利潤上看，把冷凍魚運到中國生產(chǎn)魚片，成本更低，之后，再把這些商品裝入五顏六色的包裝，運回歐洲和美國市場，甚至回到它的原產(chǎn)地——挪威北部的漁村，供應(yīng)消費。市場和生產(chǎn)的變化導(dǎo)致了大規(guī)模破產(chǎn)，工業(yè)被廢棄，工業(yè)建筑被拆除，工業(yè)設(shè)備被清算，社會環(huán)境惡化。然而，與許多歐洲沿海聚落不同，這一變化并不意味著挪威漁村的終結(jié)。從工業(yè)化時期再到全球鮮魚市場的建立，挪威傳統(tǒng)的小型船隊一直保持著競爭力。鱈魚在捕撈后僅幾個小時內(nèi)，就被去除內(nèi)臟，黑線鱈被制成魚片，放在聚苯乙烯泡沫塑料盒里的冰上，成為國際物流網(wǎng)絡(luò)中的一件商品，通過洲際空運系統(tǒng)運往東京和上海。

這種生產(chǎn)體系意味著低薪勞動力的季節(jié)性引進和遷移，從福利和工人權(quán)利來看，從東歐國家低成本招募的工人很少得到關(guān)注。來自羅馬尼亞和波蘭的工人從船上接手捕撈上來的魚，運送至生產(chǎn)線。有人可能會認(rèn)為，這種情況在歐洲所有需要人力收獲的農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)中都是典型和正常的。挪威區(qū)域政策的一個主要目標(biāo)是確保整個國家領(lǐng)土都有人口居住，并保證糧食的基本生產(chǎn)和現(xiàn)有的聚落結(jié)構(gòu)，而超負(fù)荷的季節(jié)性勞動力引進威脅著這個目標(biāo)。

6）再工業(yè)化層（layer of reindustrialization）在北大西洋沿岸、北極和巴倫支海沿岸的漁村中有跡可循。在這里它得到了政治和財政上的支持，歐洲表現(xiàn)出想要恢復(fù)制造業(yè)的迫切意愿。今天，我們可以找到鮭魚養(yǎng)殖的不同模式，一些案例展示了技術(shù)的進步如何影響魚類生產(chǎn)加工，以及當(dāng)中涉及的自動化技術(shù)和系統(tǒng)的革新。與此同時，傳統(tǒng)的船隊以高科技為基礎(chǔ)，也變得越來越先進。這些變化要求受過良好教育的高素質(zhì)勞動力，為小型生產(chǎn)、小型聚落以及現(xiàn)代化的農(nóng)村生活方式開辟可能性。

5 聚落和地域組織的語境挑戰(zhàn)

北大西洋沿岸資源價值高，景觀生產(chǎn)模式正在改變。運送到港口的捕撈物的所有部分都被利用，且利用方式不斷創(chuàng)新，例如：從中獲取新的制藥產(chǎn)品。同時，旅游業(yè)的潛力也或多或少得到開發(fā)。極晝極夜現(xiàn)象與自然風(fēng)景是主要的吸引點，圍繞著漁業(yè)、極光、極夜和驟劣天氣的觀光游覽項目呈現(xiàn)上升趨勢。近幾十年來，海水養(yǎng)殖業(yè)有所擴大，尤其是鮭魚養(yǎng)殖和出口。包括傳統(tǒng)漁業(yè)的海鮮產(chǎn)業(yè)，以及石油、天然氣和電能，是挪威出口的主要部分。

不同的轉(zhuǎn)型力量都會影響本土和區(qū)域的漁業(yè)景觀的未來。目前，除野生鮭魚外，多數(shù)的資源儲備似乎都相當(dāng)豐富，并依托監(jiān)管政策得到了良好的管理。理論和實踐經(jīng)驗證明，氣候變化和全球變暖將提高海洋溫度，改變海洋生態(tài)系統(tǒng)，將北極模式推向更北。這似乎在短期內(nèi)就能觀察到。全球變暖將長期持續(xù)，最終改變現(xiàn)有的墨西哥灣暖流的走向，對挪威沿海氣候產(chǎn)生巨大影響。石油和天然氣開采活動向北大西洋和巴倫支海擴展，占據(jù)更多的海岸線，對定居人口形成威脅，挑戰(zhàn)著對勞動力最具吸引力的漁業(yè)。與此同時，許多國家都在爭奪迄今為止隱藏在更北端的北極礦產(chǎn)和能源資源。除不斷增長的環(huán)境污染風(fēng)險外，漁業(yè)景觀受到的影響還體現(xiàn)在俄羅斯北部水域的冰川融化，以及逐步發(fā)展的巴倫支海的運輸通路。觀光產(chǎn)業(yè)和大眾旅游成為吸引投資和景觀利用的一種替代方式，這將對聚落產(chǎn)生影響，但對船隊和工業(yè)的影響甚微。更具決定性的是改變區(qū)域政策，包括政府針對市場推動的漁業(yè)重組政策，以及對資源和捕撈權(quán)的重新分配。迄今為止，挪威是少數(shù)幾個能夠長久保持健康、高科技的小型沿海船隊的國家之一。

6 漁村——未來格局

整體而言，歐亞大陸的農(nóng)村地區(qū)都受到席卷整個地域的強大的改造力量的影響，而鄉(xiāng)村可以被理解為真實的深層結(jié)構(gòu)，是景觀、生態(tài)、生產(chǎn)鏈和聚落的復(fù)合體。中國農(nóng)村保持著長期的相對穩(wěn)定的聚落結(jié)構(gòu)，而歐洲農(nóng)村一直在發(fā)生變化。早在18世紀(jì)末，工業(yè)化就影響了歐洲農(nóng)村，比中國的工業(yè)化早了170余年。20世紀(jì)70年代，中國開始在全球化進程中繁榮起來時，而歐洲則處于去工業(yè)化狀態(tài)。今天，我們看到強大的中國政府和堅定的鄉(xiāng)村政策。在歐洲，20世紀(jì)90年代出現(xiàn)了一大批發(fā)展農(nóng)村基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的行之有效的舉措，而到了今天，在政策方面，農(nóng)村地區(qū)反而在某種程度上被忽視了，它們受制于市場壓力，這一狀況在農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)、漁業(yè)、海產(chǎn)品工業(yè)和鄉(xiāng)村聚落方面，影響顯著。

大西洋沿岸的漁村一直是國際經(jīng)濟的組成部分，人們適應(yīng)了當(dāng)?shù)氐纳鷳B(tài)環(huán)境和貿(mào)易的邏輯。此外，今天的村莊依靠本地的實踐技能來應(yīng)對和適應(yīng)工業(yè)經(jīng)濟、新技術(shù)和全球市場的影響。我們發(fā)現(xiàn)了一種既穩(wěn)定又不斷變化的人文活動的物質(zhì)模式。在研究工作中，我們根據(jù)潛力定義了5種不同類型的村莊——可能與其他鄉(xiāng)村語境存在共通③。

1）具有游憩功能的廢墟空間（recreational ruins）。這類村莊在古老的繁盛時代產(chǎn)生，是如今難得的廢墟景觀。許多廢墟景觀都因休閑娛樂目的而得到維護，用于通勤者、老年人和退休人員居住，或用作度假使用。一些廢棄的村莊被重新打造成旅游目的地。此類村莊已經(jīng)是當(dāng)代歐洲鄉(xiāng)村中典型的聚落形式。廢墟也可以被視為重組和中心化進程的產(chǎn)物。2）衰落的漁村（fading fishing villages，圖13）。在羅弗敦群島或芬馬克村莊的“核心地區(qū)”，這類村莊是捕魚配額競爭中的失敗者，在吸引年輕家庭定居和為工業(yè)和參與季節(jié)性漁業(yè)的船只提供港口方面同樣失利。鱈魚漁業(yè)受到重大變革力量的影響：首先是魚類配額制度，因為它可以在市場上出售，也會導(dǎo)致所有權(quán)和船隊的結(jié)構(gòu)性改變；其次是漁業(yè)所有權(quán)集中在少數(shù)人手中；然后是國際資本的進駐；最后是生產(chǎn)投資的數(shù)字化和資源加工的自動化?？傮w上，這導(dǎo)致了大容量船只的增加和活躍港口數(shù)量的減少。漁業(yè)的行業(yè)競爭和對于經(jīng)濟原則的更加依賴，不太明晰的所有權(quán)結(jié)構(gòu)，以及處于變化中的船隊和捕撈配額，影響著聚落結(jié)構(gòu)，此類村莊似乎無法應(yīng)對這些變化。村莊的實際社會功能在逐漸消退。3）勞工營地（labor campsis，圖14）。這類村莊在生產(chǎn)方面具有相當(dāng)優(yōu)勢，包含工業(yè)化生產(chǎn)，是構(gòu)成社會和文化的獨立場所。專業(yè)化工業(yè)區(qū)在鱈魚捕撈季被用作基地和港口，來自低收入國家的工人被雇傭進行勞動作業(yè)，向本國其他地區(qū)運送漁獲物，這是挪威漁業(yè)聚落的新的形式，這里的運行模式更像是勞動力集散地而非社會。4）創(chuàng)造性的小村莊（inventive hamlets）。這類村莊對于大多數(shù)困難似乎都能夠應(yīng)對。我們還意外地觀察到，一些看似衰落的村莊，在創(chuàng)新型人才、自動化技術(shù)、水產(chǎn)養(yǎng)殖和新產(chǎn)品的影響下，恢復(fù)了生機。挪威漁業(yè)、船隊和陸上生產(chǎn)基地，在過去的10年中已被重新定義為海鮮產(chǎn)業(yè)。在2019年出口的270萬t海鮮產(chǎn)品中，三文魚和其他種類的紅鮭的產(chǎn)量達150萬t。水產(chǎn)養(yǎng)殖業(yè)中，先進的生物和數(shù)字技術(shù)以及機器人技術(shù)開始應(yīng)用于食品生產(chǎn)中，這也將影響白鮭魚產(chǎn)業(yè)的生產(chǎn)方式。5）當(dāng)代的穩(wěn)定性村落（contemporary stabile villages）。這類村莊是從漁業(yè)發(fā)展成形的完備的城鎮(zhèn)社會，擁有捕撈配額和現(xiàn)代化家庭船隊，建立了本土文化自信和身份認(rèn)同，擁有吸引來訪船只參與季節(jié)性漁業(yè)的港口，是一個漁業(yè)復(fù)合體和為船隊及產(chǎn)業(yè)服務(wù)的技術(shù)先進的機構(gòu)。挪威北部海岸線的村莊聚落已經(jīng)是一段歷史，而漁業(yè)在陸地和海洋上的印記從未間斷，繼續(xù)構(gòu)建著北極景觀的未來。

13 塞尼亞的格呂勒峽灣——在20世紀(jì)，格呂勒峽灣可以被看作塞尼亞的主要漁村。而如今成了一個只有380人的衰落的漁村。經(jīng)歷了20世紀(jì)90年代冷凍魚片行業(yè)的危機之后，格呂勒峽灣作為冬季的港口無法吸引足夠的船只?？浚镜卮灰苍诓稉婆漕~和資金的競爭中失利。格呂勒峽灣的產(chǎn)業(yè)今天已由Nerg?rd AS經(jīng)營，Nerg?rd AS是挪威鱈魚漁業(yè)的主要經(jīng)營者之一，Nerg?rd AS還在鄰近的格倫法恩斯和森亞霍彭漁港經(jīng)營產(chǎn)業(yè)，在格呂勒峽灣的產(chǎn)量十分有限Gryllefjord, Senja. Gryllefjord, during the 20th century, could be named the major fishing village in Senja. Today the populatins counts only 380 inhabitants and Gryllefjord is a fading fishing village. After the crises in the fillet-freezing industries in the 1990s,Gryllefjord has not been able to compete as a harbour for visiting boats during the winter season, and the local boats have relatively speaking, also lost in the competition for quotas and funding. The industries in Gryllefjord today is run by Nerg?rd AS, one of the major actors in the Norwegian cod fisheries, Nerg?rd AS also runs industries in the neighboring fishing harbors Grunnfarnes and Senjahopen, and the production in Gryllefjord is limited

14 森亞霍彭的漁船（2019年）——挪威捕魚船隊主要由“傳統(tǒng)”船只組成，它們體量很小。漁民擁有自己的船，他們的漁獲量受配額限制，配額可以買賣。這些船只都配備十分高效的電子和機械設(shè)備Fishing boats in Senjahopen, 2019. The Norwegian fishing fleet mostly consists of so called “traditional”, rather small vessels. The fishermen own their boat, their catch is regulated by quota, that might be sold or bought. These boats are very effective and utilize all available machinery and digital equipment

聲明：

文章大部分內(nèi)容參考以下3篇文章：

ELLEFSEN K O, LUNDEVALL T. North Atlantic Coast: A Monography of Place[M]. Oslo: Pax Publishers, 2019.

ELLEFSEN K O, HAUGLIN E A. Coastal Mapping Research Seminars[EB/OL]. [2022-07-27]. https://coastalmapping.no/.ELLEFSEN K O, TVARES A, DE SOUZA D I. Notes on Codfish Architecture[M].Lisbon: Cadernos da Garagem,2020.

注釋：

① 文化生態(tài)位建設(shè)是第一個生物學(xué)概念。參考文獻[2]和[3]是受到我們在奧斯陸建筑與設(shè)計學(xué)院的同事漢納斯·贊德和他的中國河西走廊研究的啟發(fā)。

② 挪威語skrei（Gadus morhua），是全年大部分時間生活在北極圈和巴倫支海的一種鱈魚，不像其他普通的沿海鱈魚那樣主要生活在峽灣和大西洋。Skrei的生物習(xí)性包含每年一次去往南部的洄游。

③ 類型的詳細(xì)介紹參見網(wǎng)站：https://coastalmapping.no/。

圖片來源：

圖1下載自ArcGIS Hub, World Countries；圖2來自挪威地圖編錄（The Norwegian Catalogue of Maps，https://kartkatalog.geonorge.no）和GEBCO網(wǎng)格深測數(shù)據(jù)（GEBCO Gridded Bathymetry Data）；圖3來自挪威漁業(yè)理事會；圖4～9、13、14來自海岸測繪研討會（2017年，https://coastalmapping.no/）；圖10由卡爾·奧托·埃利弗森、塔哈德·倫德瓦爾拍攝（2016年）；圖11由南特羅姆瑟博物館提供；圖12由北部博物館、奧克斯內(nèi)斯博物館提供，菲耶蘭格爾·威德羅拍攝。

（編輯/劉玉霞）

The Imprint of Fisheries on Land: The Logics of Settlement Structure and Place in an Arctic Landscape

Authors: (NOR) Karl Otto Ellefsen, (NOR) Espen Aukrust Hauglin Translator: WANG Wei

Anne Whiston Spirn did introduce the concept “deep structure” to denote the enduring stability of landscapes: “to which all organisms within that landscape respond. Deep structure expresses the fundamental climatic, geomorphic,and biotic processes in a particular place. Deep structure is the product of these processes operating and interacting across vast scales of time at the scale of large regions and at the microscale.”The deep structure is formed by the characteristics of territory and site: global localization, geological and climatic factors which “yield landscape structure with distinctive spatial, physical, and temporal characteristics.”[1]

Deep structure represents resources and establishes the basis for ecosystems, habitats and social and environmental processes. In the words of Spirn,“in response to natural processes and changing human purposes.”[1]Humans interact with ecosystems and transform environments, even consciously engineer the systems, creating what Charles L. Redman has conceptualized as “socialecological systems”[2]. However, these systems are in no way stabile. There is a continuous process(according to Erle C. Ellis) of “socio-cultural niche construction” where human alter environments and ecosystems to their needs[3]①.

While the logic of production of landscape(as opposed to wilderness) historically was directly linked to site specific vertical forces, global production chains and markets have made local landscape subject to horizontal forces outside the local and territorial niche.

The concept coping or coping strategies describe how societies change in order to exploit new conditions[4-5]. Coping concerns how people and societies make the most of opportunities or more specifically engage in strategies they themselves find significant, and with a term from Henri Lefevre,produce space according to their needs[6].

When discussing how a society and its landscape and architecture relate to each other, it is expedient to see the built environment as a series of socio-material layers to denote the different historical structures, “in each socio-material layer,one can trace the connections between the built environment and the life that unfolded within this material field. These surroundings are both a framework around a way of life as well as living cultural expressions”[7].

1 Deep Structure

Norway faces the North Atlantic to the west and the Barents Sea to the north. From the southern lighthouse at Lista to the northern city of Vard? the distance is measured to be 1,789 km[8].Following the rugged coastline around the fjords the coastline is estimated to stretch 100,915 km[9](Fig. 1). Only Canada can boast a longer coastline.The Arctic Circle (66°33′ 45″ N) — the theoretical boarder for midnight sun and dark polar nights— crosses the country at Saltfjellet about 800 km from the most northern point of Norway. In terms of geography this means that most of Northern Norway belongs to the Arctic or more precisely the Sub-arctic area, defined as the transition zone between the tree line and the areas with boreal coniferous forest. However, due to the Gulf Stream the coastal climate is rather mild, only on the eastern peninsulas of Finnmark — the county to the utmost north — we find an arctic climate similar to Siberia, Alaska and Northern Canada.Situated north of the isotherm delineating a zone of no summer, with lower than 10℃ middle temperature for July.

Most of the North Atlantic Coast is characterized by steep barren mountainsides —the tops going up to maximum 1,800 meters —bordering the fjords, narrow and deep channels that allow the sea to enter into the land. The geology is dominated by the Caledonian mountain range. The archipelago of Lofoten, Senja and Vester?len, the core area of the cod fisheries stretching out into the ocean, is constituted by hard pre-Cambrian bedrock. The geomorphology is varied. In Finnmark 95% of the land lies lower than 500 meters, the sediment covering the downgrinded bedrock nourishing a biome characterized by the lack of trees and mainly covered by mosses and lichens. To the south, along the fjords and on the islands, the land offers what in Norwegian is called strandflater, flat grassy land between the shoreline and the mountains.

In a territory where people historically have lived more of what the sea can offer than the products of the land, the bathymetry (Fig. 2) is an essential part of the deep structure. The rugged coast with islands and fjords corresponds to an extremely varied subwater geomorphology. Two different territorial systems are decisive for the fisheries and therefore for the localization of the fishing villages. The shallow waters along the coast from Vestfjorden south of Lofoten and northwards plunge down to towards the bottom of the Atlantic Ocean (Norwegian Basin), this bathymetric edge called Egga. The sea-bottom along the coast of Finnmark towards the Barents Sea on the other hand, has the character of a continuous shallow fishing bank. The two systems are the basis of two different interfacing ocean ecosystems.

2 Resources

In an international market, the scarce agriculture of Northern Norway cannot survive without subsidies and generous regional policies.The northern coastal waters of the Atlantic and the Barents sea are on the contrary contain fishresources that are probably the most abundant in the world. The Atlantic cod orskrei, is — in terms of historic influence on production systems and settlement structure — the primary resource in the ecosystem②. The annual winter migration ofskreifrom the Barents Sea and southwards, provides the basis for fisheries from January to April. The cod following the current and nourishing waters along Eggato the spawning grounds in Vestfjorden south of the Lofoten archipelago. Most of the many cod fisheries in the world are now history. The Newfoundland fisheries, once so important for the Portuguese, and later for the US and Canada,vanished due to overfishing. So far, the Norwegian management of fishing resources has been rather successful for most of the specimens found in the vast national economic zone and the fishing zones surrounding Spitzbergen and Jan Mayen islands. Referring to the bathymetry, the course of the Gulf Stream and difference in latitude, the ecologies of the Atlantic and the Barents Sea differs both in terms of pelagic fisheries (herring, mackerel,capelin, tobis and other schooling fish) and demersal fisheries (mostly whitefish, apart from cod, haddock and pollock are the most abundant, Fig. 3).

The resources for agriculture, livestock and arable farming was found in the sediments on Strandflatene, flat areas with sediments possible to cultivate along the fjords and on the islands.Potatoes, carrots, cabbage and some berries were grown on vegetable land near the farms. The climate being too harsh for grain and fruit. Also the uncultivated nature was harvested. The Sami minority migrated from winter pastures of reindeer moss in the inland to grazing in the coastal areas in the summer. The land and sea were ripe with resources — hydropower, minerals, oil and gas —many of these still only a future potential.

3 Socio-Cultural Niche Construction

A characteristic of the cod fisheries is the relative stability of the production processes over time. Dried cod was the first Norwegian commodity that was accessible on the European market, this happening a thousand years ago.The mode of production was very simple. The gutted fish was hung on racks to dry. Especially the relatively warm, sunny and windy climate on the islands out in the Gulf Stream gave perfect drying conditions preventing frost and attacks from insects. Modern steel racks for hanging and drying cod remain technically and in terms of design very similar to the traditional drying racks constructed by wooden poles. In terms of professional and commercial life, urbanization implies specialization.Along the Northern Norwegian Coast, such specialization took place early because the stockfish became an international commodity, creating not only a commercial economy but also fishing villages that to a certain degree acted as specialized settlements with fishermen producing for an international market (Fig. 4, 5).

Factors that generated the territorial pattern of human action — the settlement structure —was the quality of the harbor, the distance to the fishing grounds, the relative dangers of the waters to reach the fishing grounds, the access to buildable land and the local agricultural resources.The use of the land was determined by a dialectic between the land and the sea. In times of good and safe northern and European trade-systems,like in the late middle-ages and during the North European industrialization in the late 19th century,the fishing villages prospered. When trade routes were unstable, fish-prices low and grain difficult to buy, people moved from the fishing villages to the fjords to cultivate land for agriculture.

A fishing village is not a clear cut statistical or geographical term. In the fishing village,fishermen have their berth for their boats in the harbor, and the initial sales of their catch — the first transaction between the fisherman and the fish-buyer/producer — takes place in the village.However, the fisherman does not necessarily live in the village, he might be a seasonal worker fishing from the harbor. The historical settlements along the Northern Norwegian coast have often been described as the sum of small, individual farms where fishing produced cash. Where the agricultural resources were abundant and/or the fish were easily accessible, dens fishing villages would form, composed of many individual farms and farmhouses. Even though the fisheries followed patterns and techniques that were relatively identical along the entire coast, each place differed from the rest, depending on site, property conditions,modes of production and building culture. Along with the dispersed farms that combined fishing and agriculture —kombinasjonsbrukinNorwegian— the fishing villages represent the imprint of the fisheries on the settlement patterns of the North.

A fundamental distinction between different types of fishing villages can historically be drawn between the permanently populated villages,typified as dense agglomerations of small farms and the seasonal fishing villages whose economy was based on itinerant fishermen (Fig. 5-9). The fishing villages in the Lofoten archipelago were located in natural harbors close to fishing grounds with large seasonal drift of cod. They were owned by local, predominant landowners and the entire organization — with the landowner’s large white residence, the drying racks, the sheds by the piers for storing dried fish for export, and the many fishermen’s cabins located where the terrain and the harbor conditions made it possible to erect wooden constructions — encapsulating both the fishing production and the power relations in the fishing village. The oldest settlements are probably the permanently settled fishing hamlets located where agricultural resources were found.Many of them have roots back to the era when stockfish first became a tradable commodity and are structured according to the European medieval system of narrow properties from the sea to the foot of the mountain. During the late-nineteenth process of land consolidation, strips of farmland in the Norwegian countryside were redistributed and pooled together in order to develop more economically viable farming units and thereby supply a growing urban population. The process usually led to villages being broken up and the farmhouses relocated to the plot of land that the farming unit had been allocated to. By contrast, the consolidation in the fishing hamlets did not cause the dense cluster of farmhouses to be dissolved and relocated, because the fisheries, the boats and the harbor were far more important than farming.The fisheries were a joint venture and depended on the communal bound between those who toiled at sea and those who ran the farm and the household back home (Fig. 10).

The fishing village as a settlement form was established as socio-cultural niches, habitats and settlement forms along most of the Norwegian coast, from M?re in Western Norway to Finnmark in the very north. Some, where located desolately,and are now abundant. Some turned into cities where the fishery sector by now is of little importance. The structure of fishing villages is today most viable in the core area for the Atlantic cod — Lofoten, Vester?len, And?ya and Senja— and along the coast of Finnmark where the resources are accessible all year and intensive fisheries initiated from the 19th century onwards.

4 Socio-Material Layers

Investigating the history of the fishing villages,their changing landscapes, the way the villages are organized and the architecture, one distinguishes a set of overlapping socio-material layers[10]. The term is obtained from the social theorist Dag ?sterberg in order to denote historical structures in urban architecture. In each individual socio-material layer,one can trace the connections between the built environment and the life that unfolded within this material field. That is landscape and architectural principles that reflect the time they were made as a tool for the production and way of life. This approach to understanding is parallel to André Corboz’ notion of the land as palimpsest and the systematic reading of different landscape layers that have accumulated over time[11]. The way of understanding also referring to structuralist theory for interpreting phenomena by diachrone(over time) and synchrone (today) investigations[12].

In our research we, according to a timeline,have distinguished between six different sociomaterial layers. There is a 1) historical layer (Fig. 11),today reflected and visible in the localization of the villages, the organizational principles for land-use and buildings, and in the structural principles for the wooden architecture, built from pine material drifted from Russia or brought from the woods to the south or the inland of the north. The medieval settlement structure that had supplied dried fish to the Hanseatic trade system, to a large extent was abandoned in the 17th century when European trade routes were blocked.

A strong growth in the marked for fish and accordingly in the villages first happened in the 19th century along with North European industrialization and urbanization. The North Norwegian coast turned into an area with attractive resources at hand and a destination for migration,in fact an alternative for emigration to the US.2) A layer of production and resettlement was established from the 19th century through the decades towards the Second World War. This layer is observable in improvement of harbors,in the wooden buildings of the industries along the harbor fronts, in new drained and cultivated land for agricultural production and in traditional housing typologies.

Industrialization happened in European fisheries already during the 19th century. And the new policies were looked upon in Norway with interest, in order to improve food production, to make the fisheries more effective and to modernize coastal areas. In the first decades of the postwar period, industrialization and modernization were mantras for all Europe. The intention of the Norwegian social-democratic government was to transform part-time farmers/fishermen into specialized professionals, the wives and daughters becoming workers in the fishing industries. This implied a fundamental change in production, from salted and dried fish to frozen fish technology, the production of fish-filet to an international marked and — in order for all year supply of resources —a modern open sea going fleet for trawling. The industrialization adapted to a new and growing marked for frozen fish, with the fish being landed to be stored frozen, filleted later, then exported.3) A layer of industrialization and modernization(Fig. 12) is apparent in buildings for the new industries, in industrial harbors and in housing areas for the workers in the industries.

The fishing villages were further developed as societies due to social democratic regional policies in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, establishing 4) a layer of social democratic welfare. In this period the Norwegian countryside was modernized and urbanized, but more due to systematic decentralization than to centralization. The predominant welfare philosophy stated that all inhabitants should have access to the same social and cultural services. The scope of municipal welfare functions increased and created new workplaces in public administration and services.And the need for new buildings, like town halls,secondary schools, sports and swimming halls,health centers, nursing homes and multipurpose churches. The policy of decentralization and the booming economy led to people having more money and purchase powers. Jobs in trade and commerce, shops and car sales, were created in rural areas that had not previously enjoyed such services. Part of the industrial production — for example within the shipbuilding industry and the construction material industry — moved out from the cities, and industrial innovation took place in the countryside, for example the making of plastic products and building parts.

The Norwegian industrial production system in the fisheries fell apart in the 1990s leading to the establishment of 5) a layer of marked liberal economy and globalized production. There were many local, national and international reasons for what turned out to be local disasters, but as a whole we have to see the change as part of the European deindustrialization, through which most production was moved to Asia, due to the logic of global capitalism. The price of fish filet fell on the international marked, and, in terms of profit it became cheaper to send frozen fish to China, for fillets to be produced there, and then bring this commodity, put into neat and colorful packages, back to Europe or to the US markets or even back to its origin, the fishing villages in the north ,for consumption. Changes in markets and production ended up in bankruptcies, industries being abandoned, industrial buildings being torn down, industrial gear being liquidated and societies deteriorating. But to the contrary of many European coastal settlements this was not the end of the Norwegian fishing villages. The traditional fleet of small vessels had always been competitive,including during the industrial period, and eventually a new, profitable global marked for fresh fish emerged. Just a few hours after being caught the cod is gutted and the haddock made into filet,put on ice in Styrofoam boxes and transformed into an object within a web of international logistics,even as part of an intercontinental airborne system which takes fresh cod to Tokyo and Shanghai.

A downside to the production system is that it implies seasonal import and migration of low paid and in terms of welfare and worker’s rights, little cared for workers recruited in low-cost countries in Eastern Europe. Romanian and Polish workers angle the lines, receive the fish from the boats and handle the catch through production.One might state that the situation is typical and normal in all agricultural production in Europe in need of manpower to harvest. A major intention in Norwegian regional policies is to keep all the country populated and also to sustain primary production of food and the existing settlement structure. The overwhelming import of a seasonal work-force is a threat to these ambitions.

We find traces, and there is political and financial support for developing 6) a layer of reindustrialization in the fishing villages along the North Atlantic and coast to the Arctic and Barents sea. This may be seen in the context of the urge to return production to Europe. Today we may look to different models in salmon farming, and find examples showing how the production of fish is undergoing subtle technological progress involving robotics and ingenious systems. The traditional fleet is, at the same time, becoming more and more advanced and based on high technology. These changes require a well-educated workforce of high competence, and open up possibilities for both down-scaled production and small settlements, and a modernized rural way of life.

5 Contextual Challenges to Settlements and Territorial Organization

The landscape of production along the North Atlantic coast is changing. The monetary value of the resource is high. All parts of the catch being delivered in the harbors are used, and there is a lot of invention going on; for example,new pharmaceutical products are being subtracted from the catch. There is also, of course, a more or less exploited potential for tourism. The midnight sun combined with the scenery of nature are the main attractions, but there is also a growing winter tourism based on the fisheries, the northern light,the continuous darkness and the dramatic climate.During the recent decades marine aquaculture has expanded, mostly the breeding and export of salmon. The seafood industry, also including the traditional fisheries, oil, gas and electric energy, are the main elements of Norwegian export.

Different transformation forces will interfere with the future local and territorial landscape of the fisheries. Most of the specimens in the resource, with the exception of wild salmon, seems at the moment rather abundant and well managed by regulating policies. Theory and empirical material prove that climate change and global warming will raise the ocean temperature altering marine ecosystems and driving the arctic specimen further north. This seems observable also within a relatively short time-frame. Global warming,eventually in the long run, changing the current of the Gulf Stream, will have dramatic effects on the Norwegian coastal climate. The extension of oil and gas activities to the North Atlantic and the Barents sea will compete with established use of ocean banks, represent a risk for pollution and challenge the fisheries for the most attractive labor-force. At the same time many countries are competing for the access to so far hidden arctic mineral and energy resources further north. The eventual effects on the landscape of fisheries by the de-icing of the waters north of Russia and the gradually evolving Barents Sea transport connection are disputed,except the increased risk of pollution. Travelers and mass-tourism as a potential for alternative investment and an alternative use of landscape will have influence on the settlements but hardly on the fleet and the industries. More decisive are the potential for change in regional policies and the possible governmental urge for a marked driven reorganization of the fisheries and a new distribution of rights to the resources and the catch. Norway is one few countries that so far has been able to sustain a healthy, high technology,small vessel based coastal fleet.

6 Fishing Villages — Future Typologies

Generally, the rural areas in Eurasia are subject to strong transformation forces all over the continent, but the countryside might also be understood as a complexity of very genuine deep structures, landscapes, ecologies, production chains and settlements. While there has been a relative stability over a long time in the Chinese rural settlement structure, rural Europe has been changing. Industrialization affected the European countryside, already in the late 18th century.170 years before industrialization happened in China. While China prospered from globalization from the 1970s and onwards, Europe was deindustrialized. Today we see strong government and ambitious rural policies in China. In Europe a huge program for developing rural infrastructure worked in the 1990s, but today in terms of policies,rural areas are somehow neglected and being subject to marked forces, with a profound effect on agricultural production, the fisheries, the sea-food industries and rural settlement.

The fishing villages along the Atlantic coast were always part of an international economy and the people adapted to the ecologies on site and to the logics of trade. Also, today the villages are depending on local abilities to cope and adapt, to industrial economies, the use of new technologies and to global markets. We find a physical pattern of humane action that are both stabile and changing.In our work we have defined five different categories of villages — possible also relevant for other rural contexts — according to their potentials③.

Recreational ruins are picturesque ruin landscapes from bygone heydays of production.Many of these ruin landscapes are maintained for recreational purposes, used as homes for commuting, for the old and retired, or as holiday homes. Some of the abandoned villages are rebranded as tourist destinations. The recreational ruin is a very typical contemporary settlement in the European countryside. The ruins might also be seen as the outcome of a process of re-structuring and centralization. Fading fishing villages (Fig. 13)are losers in the competition for fishing quotas,to attract young families to settle, for industries and harbor for vessels taking part in seasonal fisheries, in Lofoten, in the “core area” or in the Finnmark villages. The cod fisheries are subject to major transformation forces. One of these is the system of fish-quotas, quotas that might be sold on the marked, leading to structural changes in ownership and fleet. Another is the tendency to concentrate ownership in the fishing industries on a few hands. A third tendency is international capital entering into the industries and a fourth are investments in digital production and robotization in the processing of the resources. Generally, these tendencies have brought about boats with larger capacity and a reduction of the number of active harbors. The competition and rationalization in the fishing industries, a less fine-grained ownership structure together with the changes in fleet and fishing quotas, affect the settlements. The fading villages seem not able to cope. Villages are gradually falling apart as viable societies. The labor campsis (Fig. 14) in terms of production a winner and contain industrialized production, independent of place as a social and cultural construct. In a Norwegian context, this is a new type of fishing settlement, a specialized industrial area employed by seasonal workers from low-cost countries, in the cod-season used as a base and harbor for delivering catch by fishing-vessels from other parts of the country, functioning more like a labor camp than a society. Inventive hamlets are small villages that against most odds seems able to cope. Surprisingly,we can observe a resurrection among a few of the seemingly fading villages due to inventive actors, robotics, aquaculture and new products.Norwegian fisheries, the fleet and the land-based production, have the last decade been renamed the Sea-food industries. Of the 2.7 million tons of exported sea-food in 2019, salmon and other redfish production amounted to 1.5 million tons. The aquaculture industries initiated the use of advanced biological and digital technologies and robotics in the food-production. This will also influence the organization of production in the white-fish industries. A last category is the contemporary stabile villages that has developed into complete societies, towns primarily based on the fisheries,with a modern home-fleet equipped with quotas, a strong local culture and proud identities, a harbor attractive for visiting vessels taking part in the seasonal fisheries, a complex structure of fishing industries and a technically advanced servicestructure for the fleet and the industries. There is a history, but might also be a future for the historical use of the land, the sea and for the settlement structure along the Northern Norwegian coast.

Statement:

The article is partly based on text from three different publication by the author(s):

ELLEFSEN K O, LUNDEVALL T. North Atlantic Coast: A Monography of Place[M]. Oslo: Pax Publishers, 2019.

ELLEFSEN K O, HAUGLIN E A. Coastal Mapping Research Seminars[EB/OL]. [2022-07-27]. https://coastalmapping.no/.

ELLEFSEN K O, TVARES A, DE SOUZA D I. Notes on Codfish Architecture[M]. Lisbon: Cadernos da Garagem,2020.

Notes:

① Cultural niche construction is a term from biology. The references [2] and [3] are inspired by our colleague Hannes Zander at AHO and his work on the Hexi corridor in China.

②Skrei(Gadus morhua) is a codfish that most of the year lives in the Arctic and the Barents Sea. As a species it differs somewhat from the ordinary coastal cod that lives in the fjords and in the Atlantic. The ecosystem ofskreiinvolves a yearly wandering to the spawning banks in the south.

③ The typologies are further exemplified on https://coastalmapping.no/.

Sources of Figures:

Fig. 1 source: ArcGIS Hub, World Countries (Generalized);Fig. 2 source: The Norwegian Catalogue of Maps(https://kartkatalog.geonorge.no) and GEBCO Gridded Bathymetry Data; Fig. 3 source: The Norwegian Directorate of Fisheries;Fig. 4-9, 13, 14 source: Coastal Mapping Research Seminar(2017), https://coastalmapping.no/; Fig. 10 photograph:Karl Otto Ellefsen and Tarald Lundevall (2016); Fig. 11?S?r-Troms Museum; Fig. 12?Museum Nord, ?ksnes Museum,photograph: Fjellanger Wider?e.

(Editor / LIU Yuxia)