著：（韓）康峻豪 （愛爾蘭）加雷斯·多爾蒂 譯：肖粟豐

屏住呼吸，翻轉(zhuǎn)、潛入，尋找、捕捉、起身，呼氣，然后重復。在韓國濟州島，潛嫂（Jamsu），意為潛水的女子，也被稱作海女（Haenyeo）。她們潛入海洋中，以捕捉不同的海洋動物和收割海藻為生①。這曾經(jīng)是男女共同的習俗，但在15—17世紀期間，男性為了回避當?shù)氐能娛氯蝿蘸投愂斩与x該島后，潛水就成了以婦女為主的職業(yè)。隨著男性潛水員數(shù)量的減少，在17世紀，當時的朝鮮王朝正式地重新分配了女性潛水人的工作，以收集鮑魚來作為實物稅。從那時起，女性潛水人逐漸將潛水發(fā)展成了一個復雜的文化[1]。潛嫂將社區(qū)的潛水場地稱作“巴達巴特”（bada-bat），意思是海洋農(nóng)場。她們共同耕種這些位于水下的農(nóng)田。她們發(fā)明工具，并建立準則來保證這種以潛水為生的行為可以持續(xù)進行，這種行為被稱為摩集（muljil）。當她們因春季的潮水或惡劣天氣而無法潛水時，她們在被稱作五陽派（wooyoungpat）的土地上耕種，為她們自己和家人種植糧食。同時身為農(nóng)民和潛水人，潛嫂通過在陸地和海洋之間傳遞她們潛水和耕作的（副）產(chǎn)品，建立2種生態(tài)之間的連接。這些人為的介入手段為這2種環(huán)境提供了必要的營養(yǎng)物質(zhì)，使許多生物體受益，其中包括人、動物和植物?；跐撋┝曀椎臓I養(yǎng)物質(zhì)交換模式，筆者提出了潛水都市主義（Submersible Urbanism）：作為一個有節(jié)律的、相互的、區(qū)域性的系統(tǒng)，其中的角色積極地在可耕種的陸地/海洋和建成環(huán)境之間，交換各自的產(chǎn)品和副產(chǎn)物。

這項研究是主筆人康峻豪（Junho Kang）在濟州島進行了一年的實地考察的成果[2]。在2020年COVID-19疫情時期，康峻豪作為一名濟州島當?shù)厝耍氐搅思亦l(xiāng)，記錄潛嫂的生活空間和戶外景觀并對她們進行了采訪。在2020年5—12月，第一階段的田野調(diào)查包括了沿著濟州島的海岸騎行并瀏覽海岸景觀（圖1）。由于這項實地考察是源自康峻豪在場地中主觀而具體的經(jīng)驗，下文使用“我”，而非“筆者”，以承認文章的主觀性。

1 濟州島的生態(tài)條件和實地考察路線的地圖Map of ecological conditions and fieldwork routes in Jeju

該項目遵循了建筑師進行實地考察的悠久傳統(tǒng)，如羅伯特·文丘里（Robert Venturi）和丹尼斯·斯科特·布朗（Denise Scott Brown）在拉斯維加斯的研究，并參考了艾麗森·史密森（Alison Smithson）圖文并茂的日記AS in DS: An Eye on the Road[3]。我與他們的研究關鍵的不同之處是交通方式：自行車，而非汽車，可以更利于探索潛嫂的村莊和景觀，因為當?shù)氐墓窂澢M窄。這也使我能更近距離地接觸當?shù)氐奶鞖?、地形和人。我的旅行距離不僅是以千米為單位來衡量的，身體肌肉的疲倦、空氣的濕度和溫度，以及一陣陣風的聲音都能傳遞對距離的感受。自行車也以不同的方式限制了我能涉足的范圍。我的平均時速是25 km。因此，從我家到我所能探索的區(qū)域之間的路程被速度、時間和體力所限制。當我的探索之旅變得更遙遠，我不得不在村莊里去尋找一個臨時的基地。這個過程使我更多地接觸場地，并與環(huán)境中的人們進行交流，向他們了解潛嫂的村莊，以及簡單地詢問水源和住宿的地方。

后來，我搬到了三陽三洞（Samyang 3-dong）的一個潛嫂村落，當時有7名潛嫂在那里潛水②。我?guī)椭齻儼徇\海藻，推動裝滿角蠑螺（Batillus cornutus）的小車，用現(xiàn)場筆記、速寫、拍照和錄音的方式去記錄這些潛水女子的日常交流、感受和她們所處的環(huán)境。像做實地考察的人類學家一樣，我通過定性和定量結(jié)合的方式研究了潛嫂的建成環(huán)境和文化。我試著去遵循“4∶1”的規(guī)則，即實地考察者每花1 h在場地中，就應該花4 h來分析解讀他們的觀察。我主要通過現(xiàn)場筆記的方式來實踐這一準則。每一個在場地中發(fā)生的難忘的微小細節(jié)都會被記錄下來，而這也使我的偏見顯得清晰可見：從速寫得來精準刻度的圖紙和地圖；通過照片拼貼，來描繪場地中出現(xiàn)的各種關系；通過聆聽錄音關注景觀中的聲音特質(zhì)，以及在腦海中重建先前所處的環(huán)境。

這些在實地展現(xiàn)出來的與人和景觀的體驗和關聯(lián)指導了潛在的設計介入手段。在沒有預先確定的場地和設計方案的情況下，我通過與人的交談以及自己在場地中的體驗，逐步展開設計。出于對潛嫂、建筑和景觀之間關系的興趣，我深入描述這個場地，并向它投以新的可能性。這種方法很大程度源自我的論文導師之一加雷斯·多爾蒂（Gareth Doherty）和他的設計人類學（Design Anthropology）課程的指引[4]。他在巴林長期實地研究的經(jīng)歷帶給了他啟發(fā)。他的研討課中專門開設一個模塊，帶領學生進行實地考察，讓學生領會到設計和人類學這2個學科如何通過共通的民族志基礎來相互啟發(fā)[5]。民族志（ethonography）這個詞，是ethno-（人）和-graphy（寫作）的結(jié)合。羅伯特·M. 愛默生（Robert M. Emerson）、蕾切爾·I. 傅雷茲（Rachel I. Fretz）和琳達·L. 肖（Linda L. Shaw）在《民族志實地筆記》（Writing Ethnographic Fieldnotes）中解釋道：“民族志實地研究包括了對于群體和個體日常生活的研究?！盵6]通過身處現(xiàn)場的實地考察，民族志學者開始嘗試去理解各種模式，并發(fā)掘從前可能沒被注意到的各種關聯(lián)。設計和民族志都是具有反思性和基于過程的。它們的區(qū)別在于，民族志是以描述為主且開放式的，而設計則傾向于以預測為主且更具目標導向。在整個研討課和論文撰寫期間，多爾蒂強調(diào)了沉浸在場地中的必要性、“4∶1”規(guī)則，以及擁抱不確定性和偶然性的開放心態(tài)。他要求我在一絲不茍的描述與充滿開創(chuàng)性的想象力之間找到平衡。我所遵循的景觀實地考察方法將設計師的預測能力和進行場地分析的工具（繪圖、測量、攝影）與民族志（參與式觀察、非結(jié)構化訪談和撰寫反思性的現(xiàn)場筆記）相結(jié)合，所有這些都是設計過程的一個組成部分③。從城市、景觀和建筑3個尺度，本研究提出了潛水都市主義的3個情節(jié)和設計主張。從實地調(diào)查中得來的3個情節(jié)描述潛嫂所面臨的挑戰(zhàn)，即從污染和氣候變化到不安全的工作環(huán)境和不斷消失的社區(qū)群體。結(jié)合潛嫂的習俗和文化，3個設計主張同時是對這些問題的反映和回應。

1 重新連接陸地與海洋

“海洋中沒有物件（mulgun）了?！雹?/p>

Mulgun在標準韓語中是指一件事或一個物體。在濟州方言里，潛嫂將任何來自海洋的可兌現(xiàn)的物品都稱為物件。一位來自三陽的潛嫂說她之前常會看到很多物件，包括海藻、角蠑螺和鮑魚（Haliotisspp.），但現(xiàn)在越來越難在她們的海底農(nóng)場巴達巴特找到這些物件了。她認為物件的減少是由于污染：來自城市的污水、地上養(yǎng)魚場的廢水、農(nóng)田的肥料，以及附近發(fā)電廠排出的溫水。對她而言最顯著的變化是海洋變成了“河流”。她描述道，受潮汐和季節(jié)的影響，水曾經(jīng)在巴達巴特流向許多不同的方向。在漲潮時，水會流向西方，退潮時則流向東方。然而，自20世紀80年代初，發(fā)電廠開始運營以來，她說水流方向發(fā)生改變，開始由東向西流動。三陽（Samyang）的潛嫂稱這種現(xiàn)象為gang-badang，意思是“河—?！?。由于水流變得不再那么活躍，過去在三陽潛嫂的巴達巴特中茂盛生長的海草急劇消失。而一旦海草消失，以它為生的其他物件也會逐漸消失⑤。

污染的另一個主要來源是城市的污水。20世紀70年代，隨著旅游業(yè)的興起，濟州島經(jīng)歷了快速的城市化進程[7]。污水處理設施跟不上人們不斷增長的需求。超出處理范圍的污水未經(jīng)完全過濾就被排入海中。許多潛嫂社區(qū)群體對于污水會如何影響她們的健康和生活的前景感到擔憂。月?。╓oljeong）村的潛嫂稱，未經(jīng)完全過濾的污水污染了她們的巴達巴特，甚至在社區(qū)成員中，有人身體狀況受到了負面影響，例如產(chǎn)生皮膚病[8]。

其他人類產(chǎn)生的廢棄物也導致了進一步的污染。2020年，濟州島沿海有387個地上養(yǎng)魚場[9]。這些魚由于被高密度地養(yǎng)殖在水箱內(nèi)，經(jīng)常遭受各種疾病的侵襲。為了解決這個問題，農(nóng)民用抗生素來喂養(yǎng)它們。由于沒有適當?shù)沫h(huán)境指導準則，過量的抗生素與殘留的魚食一起通過廢水流入海洋，導致水下荒漠化，或所謂的白化（whitening）[10]。白化指的是海洋森林（marine forest）消失了，它們被白色的珊瑚藻所取代。由于海洋森林為許多物種提供了庇護所和繁殖地，它們的消失對整個生態(tài)系統(tǒng)都是致命的，其中包括了以海洋森林為生的人，如潛嫂。根據(jù)韓國漁業(yè)資源局（FIRA）2015年的數(shù)據(jù)，35%的沿岸海域顯示出正在或已經(jīng)完全白化的現(xiàn)象[11]。自21世紀00年代中期以來，所有的海藻產(chǎn)量都下降了[12]。當潛嫂描述巴達巴特的變化時，經(jīng)常提到的評論是，“海里再也沒有草了”或“水底看起來全是白的”⑥。潛嫂用海洋的不同顏色作為判斷污染程度的指標。在一個雨天，一位來自三陽的潛嫂告訴我，由于附近農(nóng)田的溢流，水面以下的海水是“棕色”的。她說，化肥流入了海洋，污染了巴達巴特。這些擔憂雖然還未得到直接的科學證實，但已有研究表明，由豬糞制成的肥料污染了濟州島的地下含水層。在濟州島西部地區(qū)水下的含水層中的硝酸鹽氮（NO3-N）含量明顯較高，而NO3-N含量是養(yǎng)豬業(yè)污染廢物的指示指標。而這一片區(qū)域坐落著絕大多數(shù)的養(yǎng)豬場，在這里豬糞制成的液體肥料被大量使用[13]。污水、肥料和豬糞等污染物，污染了地下含水層和巴達巴特。這種對自然資源，尤其是水資源的單向采掘，是物件消失的原因。

這里并不總像現(xiàn)在這樣一直被開采。事實上，在過去，土地和水之間的（副）產(chǎn)品和營養(yǎng)物質(zhì)一直進行著循環(huán)交換。在20世紀80年代濟州島開始廣泛使用化學肥料之前，潛嫂使用不可食用的海草（deumbuk）作為五陽派的肥料。當她們不潛水時，潛嫂就會在她們的五陽派上種植大麥、紅薯、胡蘿卜和大蒜。由于島上的火山灰土壤不夠肥沃，無法持續(xù)耕種，她們就用這些不能食用的海草和發(fā)酵的豬糞（dotgereum）來恢復土壤的營養(yǎng)成分[14]（圖2）。海草包括各種海藻，如任氏馬尾藻（Sargassum ringgoldianum）、鼠尾藻（S.thunbergii）和闊葉馬尾藻（S.giganteifolium）。根據(jù)海草的種類和所在的村莊，收獲的方法是不同的。通常情況下，潛嫂潛水并在水中切割海草，而男人在木筏（taewoo）上將海草拖出水面[15]。發(fā)酵的豬糞是另一種常用的肥料。在濟州島的傳統(tǒng)茅草屋里，島民們會在與居住區(qū)域分開的廁所（tongsi）里養(yǎng)育小豬。廁所有3個部分組成：由兩塊雕刻過的石頭（jideulpang）組成的高臺，作為人上廁所的地方；以人的廢棄物為食的豬；以及環(huán)繞四周的石墻，為豬提供封閉的空間。這種當?shù)氐膸故玖藸I養(yǎng)物質(zhì)的循環(huán)交換。人類生活產(chǎn)生的副產(chǎn)物喂養(yǎng)了豬。發(fā)酵后的豬糞與不可食用的海藻和干草被混合在一起，作為農(nóng)田肥料，而農(nóng)田里的作物又喂養(yǎng)了人們。然而，由于20世紀末的城市化和耕種的工業(yè)化，這種營養(yǎng)物質(zhì)的循環(huán)交換已經(jīng)消失。由于廉價的化學肥料開始取代天然肥料，人類居住和耕作的副產(chǎn)物不再被重新利用。

2 潛水都市主義營養(yǎng)結(jié)構圖Submersible Urbanism trophic diagram

我關于潛水都市主義的第一個設計主張是恢復陸地和海洋之間營養(yǎng)物質(zhì)的正向交換。將陸地上的養(yǎng)魚場移至海岸以外，利用長有海藻的人工礁石環(huán)繞其四周。海藻林從養(yǎng)魚場得到營養(yǎng)物質(zhì)，并被用來喂養(yǎng)海膽或鮑魚。蚯蚓將連接整個陸地和水的營養(yǎng)鏈。遠離海岸的養(yǎng)魚場用蚯蚓喂養(yǎng)，而蚯蚓又從豬糞中獲得了營養(yǎng)。蚯蚓的糞便也將部分替代化肥。需要收入來源的退休潛嫂可以飼養(yǎng)蚯蚓，將它們賣給漁民。她們也將蚯蚓的糞便賣給農(nóng)民。潛嫂們也可以種植海藻和海帶，減少水中的CO2，為角蠑螺、海膽和鮑魚提供棲息地（圖3）。通過這個網(wǎng)絡，潛嫂社區(qū)可以以可持續(xù)的方式擴大和維系她們的巴達巴特。

3 潛嫂的巴達巴特和五陽派斷面圖Section of Jamsu’s bada-bat and wooyoung-pat

2 控制生產(chǎn)力并回饋

“在走回地面的路上，我的手臂受傷了?！雹?/p>

通過各種規(guī)則和限制，潛嫂控制著她們的生產(chǎn)力。她們沒有采用水肺設備來增加她們的潛水時間和收獲量，而是延續(xù)著傳統(tǒng)的屏氣潛水的方法。然而，她們的工具發(fā)生了改變。對潛嫂而言，最重要的技術變化之一是潛水服。在20世紀70年代初潛水服被引入前，潛嫂以棉花為材料設計、制作自己的潛水服，稱為muljeoksam和mulsojungei。盡管它的設計很實用，但穿著全棉的潛水服在冰冷的海水中潛水仍是痛苦而危險的。當日本出現(xiàn)潛水服時，人們對是否應該使用這種技術改進展開了辯論[16]。潛嫂起初被禁止使用潛水服，擔心會造成過度捕撈。然而，最終每個人都開始穿它。時間控制著生產(chǎn)力。在引入潛水服之前，潛嫂每次最多可以潛水15～20 min。她們必須從水中出來，在一種由玄武巖石墻包圍的室外火堆（bulteok）旁取暖。有了潛水服后，她們可以每天潛水8 h而不休息。為了防止物件耗盡，潛嫂對她們的潛水時長做了限制。這說明了引入潛水服的最大的動機是這種技術提供了體感上的舒適性，而非增加潛水的時長。

從季節(jié)的尺度，潛嫂會在特定物種的繁殖季節(jié)禁止對它們的捕撈。例如，如今潛嫂最顯著的收入來源是角蠑螺，在其繁殖季節(jié)的6—9月會進行保護，這被稱作禁采期（geumchaegi）。此外，潛嫂不采集或出售任何小于7 cm的角蠑螺，以控制市場供給[1]。

除了控制收成，潛嫂還在她們的巴達巴特中“播種”角蠑螺、鮑魚和海膽，并保護它們，使它們能夠生長。安美貞（Mijeong Ahn）在她的民族志研究中描述了在金楊（Gimnyeong）村的一個潛嫂社區(qū)播種和保護巴達巴特的做法。安像潛嫂一樣勞作，記錄了金楊的潛嫂如何將巴達巴特的一部分作為“天然農(nóng)場”來培育角蠑螺[1]。在農(nóng)場里“播種”小角蠑螺后，潛嫂會禁止摩集，以保證角蠑螺能夠棲息和生長。其他的物種，例如裙帶菜（Undaria pinnatifida）或羊棲菜（Sargassum fusiforme），甚至那些不可食用的海藻也在特定季節(jié)被禁止采摘。這些從收獲的行為上去自我設立的約束，體現(xiàn)了她們對其捕獵的生物的尊重以及對潛嫂的生活方式的保護[1]。

在經(jīng)歷了一系列的拒絕后，我再次被允許進入三陽潛嫂社區(qū)的時候正是羊棲菜的收獲季。當我在2021年3月搬到三陽社區(qū)居住時，這個社區(qū)對我變得很冷淡；當我是個訪客的時候，她們對我很友好，但當我要搬入村子，她們對我的意圖產(chǎn)生懷疑，這使我很沮喪，幾乎要放棄繼續(xù)研究這個社區(qū)。在離開村子之前，我拜訪了潛嫂的三陽之家，想要再次去溝通我的本意。我看到潛嫂“金”在工作，她沒有忽視我，而是請求我的幫忙。她的左臂打著石膏，她告訴我她在從水中走回陸地時滑倒了。走過不平整的玄武巖石塊地形很危險，尤其是背著所有收成時。由于她的手臂骨折，金無法和她的同伴一起前往潮間帶，那里是潛嫂們在退潮時收割羊棲菜的地方（圖4）。2021年，三陽的羊棲菜收獲期從4月14日開始。男人，通常是她們的丈夫或兒子，會幫助把海草運回岸上。然而，在三陽村，我是當時唯一的男性，所以我加入了她們，去幫忙收割海草。

4 羊棲菜收獲的節(jié)奏與過程Rhythm and process of tot harvest

隨著潮水的退去，6名潛嫂進一步走到陸地的邊緣，切割海草。當潮水要到來時，我們就把羊棲菜搬到陸地上。為了搶在漲潮前搬完，我們必須快速移動。一袋羊棲菜通常重達20～30 kg。由于巖石濕滑不平，背著羊棲菜穿行是危險的。像潛嫂“金”一樣，我也滑倒并割傷了自己。在玄武巖石頭上搬運羊棲菜3天后，我學會了在地貌中觀察來尋找相對更安全的通道。在開始的時候，當沿著一條濕滑的路線行走時，潛嫂會引導我到一條安全的道路。對于眼力未經(jīng)磨煉的我來說，所有的巖石都是黑色的，外觀相似。只有通過不斷地在這片土地中行走，我才開始知道哪里的巖石更穩(wěn)定，更不容易滑倒。

由于對通道的需求，潛嫂用水泥澆筑了道路。這些道路連接著土地和她們的巴達巴特，甚至允許車輛進入。然而，這種建造方法破壞了許多物種的棲息地，如海螺、鵝頸藤壺和居住在巖石裂縫中的螃蟹。

我關于潛水都市主義的第二個主張是用角蠑螺的殼來打造一條可持續(xù)的通道。收獲角蠑螺后，三陽潛嫂會立即將其煮熟，把肉取出后，扔掉空殼。在20世紀20年代日本殖民占領朝鮮半島期間，這些貝殼會被一家工廠回收重新制作成紐扣[17]。然而，在20世紀80年代工廠關閉后，再也沒有工廠會回收它們了⑧。

角蠑螺的結(jié)構特點體現(xiàn)出它們有被用作潮間帶填充材料的可能。角蠑螺的外部是有尖刺的。這些由碳酸鈣（CaCO3）組成的貝殼，顯示出強大的結(jié)構完整性。當堆疊在一起時，殼上的尖刺會互相咬合，變得穩(wěn)固。沿著潛嫂走過的安全路徑，將在巖石上安裝多層土工格柵（geogrid）和土工網(wǎng)（geonet）。角蠑螺為填充土工網(wǎng)提供必要的體積，填補玄武巖石地表的裂縫和空隙（圖5）。此外，這條路將標志著潛嫂行走的景觀，并為每個人，包括潛嫂、游客和居民提供一條安全的道路來走進海洋。更重要的是，通過將勞作變得更加容易和無障礙，這條道路將為人們提供一個通過共生關系（例如播種和搬運收成物），重新與海洋聯(lián)系起來的機會。隨著時間的推移，角蠑螺的外殼會因海浪和人們的腳步逐漸破碎。定期的重新填補路徑可以激勵角蠑螺的新循環(huán)。

3 擴展社區(qū)和社區(qū)公共資源

“安靜，走開?！雹?/p>

巴達巴特被許多學者認為是一種可持續(xù)的公共資源模式。安在金楊村進行民族志研究時，描述了潛嫂進行監(jiān)管和耕種的做法。她還講述了村莊和潛嫂社區(qū)之間復雜的社會網(wǎng)絡，以及這些因素對維護巴達巴特的重要性[1]。2021年，諾吳貞（Wujeong Noh）根據(jù)埃莉諾·奧斯特羅姆（Elinor Ostrom）關于實現(xiàn)集體管理公共資源的指導原則，研究了潛嫂社區(qū)和她們的巴達巴特，并展示其如何滿足所有原則：清晰的邊界和成員資格、相同的準則、共同選擇的領域、監(jiān)察制度、分級裁決制度、沖突解決機制、公認的組織權利、嵌套的層級和機構表現(xiàn)統(tǒng)計[18-19]。宋元秀（Wonseob Song）也將巴達巴特評定為全球重要農(nóng)業(yè)遺產(chǎn)系統(tǒng)（globally important agricultural heritage system, GIAHS）[20]。

然而，這些學者沒有強調(diào)的是建筑維度的公共資源，尤其是潛嫂的現(xiàn)代建筑。潛嫂是潛水人、農(nóng)民，也是建筑師。如果說巴達巴特的海景體現(xiàn)了公共資源的原則及其運作原理，那么公共資源的精神則在建筑尺度上展現(xiàn)得最為具體。

Bulteok，一種戶外火堆，是潛嫂建筑的一個典型代表，也是對社區(qū)的空間基礎的反映。它由一個火坑、四周的石墻和表面平坦的石塊（pangdol，一種用石頭制成的平面，用于放置工具和產(chǎn)品）組成。潛嫂通常自己動手，用當?shù)氐男鋷r石材來建造她們的空間。這種室外火堆提供了一個避風的場所，潛嫂在此處取暖、換衣服，并在摩集前后和中途討論行程（圖6、7）。

6 在下道里的潛嫂自建環(huán)境Jamsu-built environment in Hado-ri

7 博斯海角火堆Bosikoji Bulteok

從1985年到20世紀90年代初，這些傳統(tǒng)的戶外火堆被轉(zhuǎn)換成現(xiàn)代的室內(nèi)空間，稱為“Jamsu-tal-uijang”，意為潛嫂的更衣間，或稱“Haenyeo-ui-jip”，意為海女之家。在當時的道知事張炳古（Byeong-gu Jang）的領導下，這些更衣屋被沿著海岸建造。它們提供了共用的浴室。潛嫂可以在摩集之后輕松地從玄關直接進入浴室洗澡，然后干爽地離開，來到客廳。漸漸地，潛嫂增加了其他項目，如工作間和廚房，增強了空間的家庭感和效率[21]。

盡管政府在努力保護這些潛嫂的空間和文化，且將它們列為了聯(lián)合國教科文組織的人類非物質(zhì)文化遺產(chǎn)，但這些仍在迅速消失。潛嫂的人口已從20世紀60年代的20 000人減少到2020年的4 000人。2020年，有59%的潛嫂年齡超過70歲[22]。截至2019年，這里只剩下102個更衣屋[21]。盡管即將滅絕，但她們的社區(qū)仍是門禁森嚴且隱蔽的。一個人要成為潛嫂社區(qū)的一員，她必須獲得想加入的社區(qū)的一致同意。有時，她們必須為會員資格支付首付款。而男人，根據(jù)定義，是不能成為潛嫂的。這種排他性來自成員先前的投入、對外人的不信任，以及她們的巴達巴特中的物件總量和收入的下降。隨著人口的老齡化，許多人擔心如果不打開她們的大門會有一天面臨滅絕[23]。通過我的實地調(diào)查，我想嘗試作為一個男人、一個建筑師和一個邊緣的存在，是否有參與潛嫂社區(qū)的可能性。

在三陽有一個廢棄的室外火堆，叫作halmang bulteok，意思是“祖母火堆”。這個火堆有一個長方形的平面。它的北墻高約1.4 m，保存完好。它的南墻被切了1/2，被用作上面的儲藏室的承重墻。這個儲藏室是屬于一個鄰居的，它堵住了通往火堆的入口（olleh），這加速了這個火堆的衰落。而東面的墻則在許多年前被一場臺風摧毀。

三陽的潛嫂對失去這種室外火堆非常感傷。她們對這個地方有許多回憶。潛嫂“金”告訴我，這里曾經(jīng)有2個室外火堆?，F(xiàn)存的一個，即“祖母火堆”，是由年長的潛嫂使用。相比其他的室外火堆，它能更好地為潛嫂擋風，因為它被城墻和自然地形包圍。年輕的潛嫂，包括“金”，不得不使用另一個火堆，而這一個已經(jīng)不再存在了。如果一個年輕的潛嫂試圖進入“祖母火堆”去問問題，年長的潛嫂就會大喊：“安靜！走開！”⑩

我關于潛水都市主義的第三個提議是重新激活“祖母火堆”作為潛嫂和外人的會面空間。經(jīng)過一系列的努力，三陽潛嫂同意我去建造一個公共區(qū)域，讓年輕一代人甚至男人都能進入，與潛嫂共享時光，共用空間。這個會面場地可以讓潛嫂與外人建立起初步的聯(lián)結(jié)。我重新建造了被毀壞的墻，并加上了屋頂，讓人們可以在那避雨和遮陽，以及在中心區(qū)域圍著火休息。

屋頂?shù)脑O計思路基于bonjogang-i——一種鮑魚殼。潛嫂發(fā)現(xiàn)物件且呼吸快用完，必須馬上返回水面時，將它放置在水下作為標記物。在她們離開前，她們將鮑魚殼置于物件的邊上。這些鮑魚殼會在黑暗的玄武巖景觀中閃閃發(fā)光，使?jié)撋┠軌蚍祷厝ゲ杉齻兿惹鞍l(fā)現(xiàn)的物件。和bonjogang-i相似，新屋頂上的角蠑螺和鮑魚殼將在景觀中標志著祖母火堆。這個屋頂設計協(xié)調(diào)和融合了傳統(tǒng)茅草屋頂和現(xiàn)代平屋頂這2種類型。傳統(tǒng)的濟州島茅草屋頂被設計成緩坡和柔和的弧度。在大麥收割后，干草被堆放得很厚，并綁在屋頂上，以防止在島上多風的天氣下飛走。石板屋頂在20世紀末被引入時，重量太輕，人們通常用汽車輪胎和石頭來穩(wěn)固住它。在這個提議中，為了抵抗島上的強風，角蠑螺的殼會被放置在平坦的屋頂上。它們在陽光下曬干，被打成粉末，作為天然肥料使用。

建造這個項目的過程成了另一種與人和場地接觸的方式。盡管有許多人支持我的工作，但也并非所有人都歡迎我的介入，特別是那間儲藏室的屋主，似乎對我為潛嫂做事感到不舒服。自從儲藏室屋主在20世紀90年代破壞了這個火堆并堵住了通道后，屋主和三陽潛嫂之間的關系就變得不再友好。與潛嫂的更衣屋不同，室外火堆在法律上不屬于潛嫂社區(qū)。在我與儲藏室的屋主遇見的幾天后，當?shù)卣賳T到場地上進行了檢查。他們說，有人就我在現(xiàn)場的“可疑”活動向他們提出了投訴。從我開始建造，這些當?shù)氐年P系——無論是有利的還是不利的，都變得愈發(fā)切實明顯了。

建造的行為也改變了我與三陽潛嫂的關系。她們常常會駐足在這個火堆，就屋頂?shù)脑O計以及堆砌石墻的技藝給我建議。施工，因為是一種體力勞作，被潛嫂視為一種真誠的努力。她們一開始對我和項目的用途表示懷疑。隨著項目的進行，她們對我和這個項目的的信任也逐漸增加。特別是，真實可見的建造事實本身讓她們可以想象出室外火堆的不同以往的可能性，想象之一是在火堆的新屋頂下燒烤。在2021年7月1日，我們通過在戶外火堆生火一起慶祝了項目的完工（圖8）。

8 景觀中的bonjogang-i屋頂Bonjogang-i roof in the landscape

4 尾聲：獻上一船的供品

“一個潛嫂要想做好摩集，必須要貪心。”[1]

濟州島的潛嫂和漁民相信，風神迎燈奶奶（Yeongdeung halmang）從農(nóng)歷二月初一到十五來到濟州島。潛嫂在這期間不去摩集，而會準備用一系列的儀式來歡迎迎燈奶奶，這被稱為迎燈祭祀（Yeongdeong-gut）。她們相信迎燈奶奶會播撒鮑魚、角蠑螺和大麥的“種子”，給島嶼帶來繁榮。2021年3月29日，我在吾照村參加了迎燈祭祀的活動。潛嫂和當?shù)貪O民建造了一艘用橡膠籃子做的小船。他們把各種祭品，如大米、水果和一只活雞，放在船內(nèi)。他們把船送出大海，祈求他們的安全和一年的好收成。

迎燈祭祀不僅顯示了他們將收獲歸還給自然的一種方式，而且還顯示了一種精神信仰。這是一種表達人類是更大的宇宙及其層級中的一部分的信念。潛嫂依然堅守著這種信仰，也許是因為她們有被淹沒在浩瀚的水體中的經(jīng)歷。與在靜態(tài)的陸地上不同，人體在水中是不穩(wěn)定的，呼吸受限，會感到死亡在即。這樣的經(jīng)歷使人在自然的力量面前變得謙卑。

就像所有的人一樣，潛嫂是復雜而矛盾的。她們經(jīng)常說：“潛嫂需要貪婪才能做好摩集?！盵1]她們把海洋中的生物稱為物件，純粹是基于其經(jīng)濟價值。同時，她們向海洋中的神明和女神祈禱，祈求她們的安全和繁榮。她們不貪婪，不去盡可能多地捕撈，而是自主地制定規(guī)范，以保持她們的巴達巴特的可持續(xù)性，為下一個季節(jié)傳播“種子”。她們?yōu)樽约菏菨撋┒院?，但同時也會看不起自己。她們一天歡迎我，一天又趕我走。

設計，包括景觀和建筑學，汲取了在空間中生活的物質(zhì)和非物質(zhì)方面的經(jīng)驗。然而，作為一個設計師，僅僅根據(jù)簡短的談話或書本，要了解我為之設計的人的思想是不容易的。景觀實地調(diào)查給我提供了一個機會，通過觀察和參與她們在景觀和空間中的生活模式來達到更深層次的復雜性。巴達巴特、五陽派、室外火堆、潛嫂的更衣屋……這些空間反映了她們的生活、愿望和需要。所有這些空間都是與自然和諧相處的，始終表明我們是宇宙的一部分。

在氣候變化、全球變暖、海平面上升的時代，這3個關于潛水都市主義的設計主張展現(xiàn)了在土地和海洋間的一種生活方式。不去撤退或加固海岸，潛水都市主義提議了一個有節(jié)律的、相互的、區(qū)域性的系統(tǒng)，其中的角色積極地在可耕種的陸地/海洋和建筑環(huán)境之間，交換各自的產(chǎn)品和副產(chǎn)物。當這樣的公共資源原則和與環(huán)境的循環(huán)關系在城市中得到擴展時，城市可以成為應對氣候變化的經(jīng)濟聯(lián)盟，替代新自由主義的陸地和海洋私有化，以及最重要的是逐漸恢復人們對自然的歸屬感的社區(qū)。

致謝：

此項目在許多人的慷慨幫助下得以實現(xiàn)。哈佛大學設計研究生院Alfredo Theirmann和Alex Wall等教授提供了知識框架和許多建議。多名潛嫂歡迎我深入她們的社區(qū)，與我分享她們的時間和知識。學者和朋友們?yōu)槲业难芯刻峁┝瞬牧虾头答伣ㄗh。我想對參與到本項目的所有人表示衷心的感謝。

注釋：

① 在本文中，主筆人（康峻豪）選擇使用潛嫂（Jamsu/Jamnyeo）來指代女性的潛水人，而非更加被廣泛使用的詞匯“海女”（Haenyeo）?！癏aenyeo”一詞起源于日本（出現(xiàn)在20世紀20年代日本對朝鮮半島的殖民占領期間），而“Jamsu/Jamnyeo”一詞最早出現(xiàn)在朝鮮半島17世紀的記錄中（見參考文獻[1]）。更重要的是，我發(fā)現(xiàn)在交談中潛水人自己使用“潛嫂”多過“海女”來互相表示或指代她們自己。這種有意的語句選擇反映了作者對這個社區(qū)的尊重，以及尊重她們的用詞，而不是由其他人和（或）外人的詞匯來定義她們。

② 2022年5月，距離實地調(diào)查一年后，只剩下5名潛嫂。一名潛嫂在接種COIVD-19疫苗后去世，另一名因病住院。剩下的5人中有3人已經(jīng)超過80歲。她們繼續(xù)潛水采集的時間所剩無幾。

③ 關于這個概念的更多信息，參見多爾蒂教授即將出版的著作Landscape Fieldwork（由UVA Press出版）。

④ 基于筆者的現(xiàn)場筆記（2021年3月9日）。

⑤ 基于筆者的現(xiàn)場筆記（2021年3月9日）。

⑥ 基于筆者的現(xiàn)場筆記（2020年9月28日）。

⑦ 基于筆者的現(xiàn)場筆記（2021年4月13日）。

⑧ 在一家由東博（Dongbok）潛嫂社區(qū)經(jīng)營的餐館里，貝殼被收集起來，由承包商回收做成傳統(tǒng)的漆器。然而，隨著對傳統(tǒng)漆器需求的下降，角蠑螺殼已變成了一種不被需要的副產(chǎn)物。基于筆者的現(xiàn)場筆記（2021年4月30日）。

⑨ 基于筆者的錄音（2021年4月17日）。

⑩ 基于筆者的錄音（2021年4月17日）。

圖片來源：

文中所有圖片均由康峻豪拍攝或繪制。

（編輯/劉玉霞）

Submersible Urbanism and Its Commons: Jamsu(Haenyeo) Living Across Land and Sea on Jeju Island

Authors: (KOR) Junho Kang, (IRL) Gareth Doherty Translator: XIAO Sufeng

Hold your breath. Flip and dive in. Seek,catch, and rise. Exhale and repeat. Jamsu (潛嫂), meaning diving-women, or Haenyeo (海女), meaning sea-women in Jeju Island, South Korea dive into the ocean to catch various sea animals and harvest seaweed for their living①.Once practiced by both genders, diving became a women-dominated profession after men escaped from the island to avoid the local military duties and taxation between the 15th and 17th century.As the number of male divers decreased, the then feudal dynasty of Joseon officially reassigned the female divers to collect abalones as tax-in-kind in the 17th century. Since then, female divers have developed diving into a complex culture[1]. Calling their community diving groundbada-bat, meaning ocean-farm, the Jamsu have collectively cultivated their farm underwater. They have created tools and rules to ensure their diving ormuljilis sustainable.When they can not dive because of spring tides or bad weather, they farm their land, calledwooyoungpat,where they grow food for themselves and their families. Both as farmers and divers, Jamsu connect the two ecologies by transferring the (by)products and practices of their diving and farming across land and sea. These human interventions have resulted in providing necessary nutrients to both environments, benefiting many living organisms including people, animals, and plants. Based on the Jamsu’s practices of nutrient exchange, selfregulation, and community, this article proposes Submersible Urbanism: a rhythmic, reciprocal,and regional system in which actors positively exchange their (by)products through the cultivated landscape/seascape and built environment.

This research is an outcome of the author’s year-long fieldwork on Jeju Island[2]. During the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, the author, a Jeju native, returned to his hometown to document the spaces and landscapes of Jamsu and conduct interviews. The first phase of the fieldwork consisted of riding a bicycle along and scanning the coast of Jeju from May to December 2020 (Fig. 1). As this fieldwork is a product of the subjective and specific experiences of the lead author (Junho Kang) in the field, this article uses “I,” instead of “the author”to acknowledge its subjectivity.

This project follows the long tradition of fieldwork by architects such as Robert Venturi and Denise Scott Brown in Las Vegas, and Alison Smithson’s illustrated diary,AS in DS: An Eye on the Road[3].One key difference was the mode of transit: a bicycle, instead of a car, provided the advantage of exploring Jamsu villages and landscapes that are situated along curvy and narrow roads. It also allowed close contact with the weather, terrain, and people. I experienced the traveled distances not only measured in kilometers,but through the fatigue in my muscles, the humidity and temperature of the air, and the sound of the wind. A bicycle also constrained the scale of coverage in various ways. My average speed was 25 km/h. Thus,the distance between my home and the explored areas was limited by speed, time, and endurance. When my travels ventured farther from home, I had to find a temporary basecamp in the villages. This process allowed me to be more exposed to the field and make contact with the people in the landscapes, as I inquired about Jamsu villages and simply asked for water or a place to stay.

Later, I moved into a Jamsu village in Samyang 3-dong, where seven Jamsu were diving at that time②. Helping them carry seaweed and pushing a cart full of horned turbans (Batillus cornutus), I recorded the daily interactions, feelings,and landscapes of these female divers in field notes,sketches, photographs, and sound recordings. Like an ethnographer in the field, I documented the qualitative and quantitative aspects of the built environment and culture of Jamsu. I tried to follow the “four-to-one” rule, meaning for every hour spent on the field, four hours should be spent interpreting the observations. Field notes were the primary means to do so. Every memorable and minute detail of the field was written down, which made my biases legible. Sketches were translated into measured drawings and maps. Photographs were collaged to describe the relationships found on site. Listening to the sound recordings was particularly helpful to notice the sonic qualities of the landscapes, as well as to reconstruct the field which I had experienced.

These embodied experiences in the field and the relationships with the people and landscape informed potential design interventions. Without a predetermined site and design brief, I developed a design program through conversations with the people and through my own experiences in the field. Interested in the relationship among Jamsu, architecture, and landscape, I described the field and projected new possibilities to it.This method was largely advised by one of my thesis advisors, Gareth Doherty, and his course on Design Anthropology[4]. Doherty’s seminar, with an active fieldwork component informed by his own extended fieldwork in Bahrain, taught how the two disciplines of design and anthropology can inform one another through their common ethnographic ground[5]. The word ethnography is a combination of ethno-, meaning people, and -graphy, meaning writing. As Robert M. Emerson, Rachel I. Fretz,and Linda L. Shaw explain inWriting Ethnographic Fieldnotes, “Ethnographic field research involves the study of groups and people as they go about their everyday lives.”[6]Throughin situfieldwork,the ethnographer begins to understand patterns and unearth relationships that might have previously gone unnoticed. Both design and ethnography are reflexive and process-based; they differ in that ethnography is descriptive and open-ended, while design tends to be projective and target-focused.Throughout the seminar and my thesis, Doherty emphasized the need for immersion in the field,the “four-to-one” rule, and an open mindset to embrace uncertainties and serendipities. This approach demands balancing rigorous description with creative imaginations. The landscape fieldwork approach that I followed combines the designers’projective skills and tools for site analysis (drawing,measuring, and photographing) with ethnography(participant observation, unstructured interviews,and writing reflexive fieldnotes), as an integral part of a design process③. This paper proposes three episodes/propositions of Submersible Urbanism on an urban, landscape, and architectural scale.The three episodes from the fieldwork describe the challenges that Jamsu face, spanning from pollution and climate change, to unsafe work environments, to disappearing communities. The three propositions are simultaneously a reflection and response to these issues based on traditional Jamsu practices and culture.

1 Reconnecting Land and Sea

“There is no mulgun in the ocean.”④

Mulguntranslates to a thing or an object in standard Korean. In the Jeju dialect, Jamsu refer to any cashable product from the ocean asmulgun.A Jamsu from Samyang said she used to see much moremulgunin the past, from seaweeds and horned turbans to abalones (Haliotisspp.), but they have been harder to find these days in theirbada-bat. She believed this scarcity ofmulgunwas due to pollution: sewage from the city, wastewater from above-ground fish farms, fertilizers from agricultural fields, and warm discharge from a nearby power plant. One of the most noticeable changes for her was how the ocean had become a“river.” She described that the water used to flow in multiple directions in theirbada-bat,depending on the tide and season. During the rising tide, the current would flow towards the west and the ebb tide would flow towards the east. However, since the opening of the power plant in the early 1980s,the current has changed, flowing from east to west.The Samyang Jamsu call this phenomenongangbadang,meaning “river-ocean.” With the current becoming less and less dynamic, seagrass has no longer been able to be found, which used to, has dwindled drastically. With the disappearance of the seagrass, the othermulgunthat depend on it began to disappear as well⑤.

Another main source of pollution is sewage from the city. Jeju Island went through rapid urbanization in the 1970s with the rise of tourism[7],the demand of which has not been matched by sewage treatment facilities. This overflow of sewage has been dumped into the ocean without being completely treated. Many Jamsu communities are concerned about how the sewage affects their health and living. Jamsu from Woljeong village claimed that the sewage from the sewage treatment facility polluted theirbada-batand even caused health conditions, such as dermatosis, among members of their community[8].

Other human waste has also contributed to furthering pollution. In 2020, Jeju had 387 aboveground fish farms along its coasts[9]. Farmed fish that grow within a tank in high density often suffer from various diseases. In an effort to combat this phenomenon, farmers treat them with antibiotics.Without proper environmental guidelines, excessive antibiotics, along with the residual fish food,flow into the ocean through the wastewater,contributing to underwater desertification or socalled whitening[10]. This refers to the disappearance of the marine forest replaced by white coralline algae. As marine forests provide shelter and breeding grounds for many species, their disappearance is detrimental to the ecosystem, including the people who make their living from them, such as Jamsu.According to the Korea Fisheries Resources Agency(FIRA) in 2015, 35% of the littoral sea shows whitening in progress or completed[11]. Since the mid-2000s, all seaweed production has declined[12].When asked to describe the changes in theirbadabat,the Jamsu often commented on how “there was no more grass in the ocean” or “it looks all white under the water.”⑥Jamsu use various colors of the ocean as an indicator of pollution. On a rainy day, one Jamsu from Samyang told me that the ocean was “brown” underneath the surface because of the soil overflow from the agricultural fields nearby. She said the fertilizers flow into the ocean and contaminate thebada-bat. These concerns have not yet been scientifically substantiated, but studies show fertilizers made from pig manure have contaminated underground aquifers on the island. The level of nitrate nitrogen (NO3-N) in the underwater aquifer, an indicator of pollution waste from pig farming, was significantly higher in the west region of Jeju where the majority of pig farms are located and liquid fertilizer from pig manure is used[13]. Such linear extraction of natural resources,especially water, is whymulgunhas disappeared.

It was not always as extractive as it is now.In fact, there used to be a circular exchange of(by)products and nutrients across land and water.Before the widespread use of chemical fertilizer in Jeju Island began in the 1980s, Jamsu useddeumbuk(inedible seagrasses) as fertilizer for theirwooyoung-pat. When they did not dive,Jamsu planted barley, sweet potatoes, carrots,and garlic in theirwooyoung-pat. As the volcanic ash soil of the island was not fertile enough for constant farming, they useddeumbukanddotgereum(fermented pig manure) to restore the nutrients in the soil[14](Fig. 2).

Deumbukincluded various seaweeds, such asgojigi(Sargassum ringgoldianum),jichung(Sargassum thunbergii), andsilgaeng-i(Sargassum giganteifolium). Depending on the seagrass type and village, the methods of harvest varied. Commonly,Jamsu dived and cut the seagrass in the water,while men on thetaewoo(raft) dragged it out of the water[15].Dotgereumwas another commonly used fertilizer. In a traditional thatched-roof house in Jeju, the islanders grew baby pigs in their toilet(tongsi) separated from the living quarters.Tongsihad three components: a raised platform made of two carved stones (jideulpang) where people used the toilet, pigs that ate the human waste, and a surrounding rock fence that provided an enclosed space for the pigs.Tongsidemonstrates a good example of the circular exchange of nutrients.Byproducts of human dwelling fed pigs. Combined with inedible seaweeds and hay this fermented pig manure fertilized the agricultural fields. Crops from the field fed the people. However, through urbanization and the industrialization of farming in the late 20th century, such circular exchanges of nutrients have been lost. Byproducts of human dwelling and farming are no longer reused as cheap chemical fertilizers began to replace the natural fertilizers.

My first proposition of Submersible Urbanism is to restore this lost positive exchange of nutrients across land and sea. On-ground fish farms will move off-shore, accompanied by a surrounding artificial reef of seaweeds. Seaweed forests will capture the nutrients from the fish farm and feed sea urchins and abalones. Earthworms will connect the trophic chain across land and water. Off-shore fish farms will be fed with earthworms, which are in turn nourished with pig manure. The earthworm castings will in part substitute chemical fertilizer.Retired Jamsu in need of a source of income will grow earthworms and sell them to fishermen. They will also sell the earthworm castings to farmers.The Jamsu will cultivate seaweed and kelp, which reduces carbon dioxide in water and provides habitats for horned turbans, sea urchins, and abalones (Fig. 3). Through this network, Jamsu communities can expand and maintain theirbadabatin a sustainable manner.

2 Controlling Productivity and Giving Back

“I broke my arm walking back to the land.”⑦

The Jamsu have historically controlled their productivity through various rules and limitations.Instead of adopting scuba gear to increase their diving time and the harvest, they continue to use the traditional methods of breath-holding diving.However, their tools have changed. One of the most significant technological changes for the Jamsu was the wetsuit. Before its introduction in the early 1970s, Jamsu used to design and make their own diving clothes in cotton, calledmuljeoksamandmulsojung-i. Despite their pragmatic and functional design, diving in cotton clothes was painful and dangerous in the cold ocean. When wetsuits became available from Japan,there were debates whether this technological improvement should be adopted[16]. The Jamsu initially banned the use of wetsuits, concerned with the perceived risk of overharvesting. Eventually,however, everyone began to wear them.

Time controls productivity. Jamsu could dive a maximum of 15-20 minutes at a time before the introduction of wetsuits. They had to emerge from the water to warm their bodies around the fire at thebulteok, an outdoor fireplace surrounded by a basalt stonewall. With wetsuits, they could dive 8 hours a day without a break. To prevent the depletion ofmulgun,Jamsu introduced a limit on their diving hours. This suggests that the biggest motivating factor in the adoption of wetsuits was for the thermal comfort the technology provides,rather than increasing diving time.

On a seasonal scale, the Jamsu prohibit catching certain species based on their breeding seasons. For example, horned turbans, the most significant source of income for Jamsu today, are protected from June until September during their breeding season. This practice is calledgeumchaegi.Furthermore, the Jamsu do not catch or sell any horned turban smaller than 7 cm to control the supply in the market[1].

Besides controlling the harvest, Jamsu “spread the seeds” of horned turbans, abalones, and sea urchins in theirbada-batand protect them to allow for their growth. In her ethnographic research,Mijeong Ahn described the practices of seeding and protectingbada-batin a Jamsu community of Gimnyeong village. Ahn, working as a Jamsu,documented how Gimnyeong Jamsu sectioned a part ofbada-batas a “natural farm” to grow small horned turbans[1]. After “seeding” young horned turbans on the farm, the Jamsu prohibitedmuljilin the area to allow them to settle and grow. Other species, such asdolmiyeok(Undaria pinnatifida) ortot(Sargassum fusiforme), and evendeumbukare prohibited for certain seasons against harvestation.These self-imposed limitations on their harvesting practices respect the organisms they hunt and preserve the Jamsu way of life[1].

It was during the harvest season fortot,a black edible seaweed,when I was allowed to re-enter the Samyang Jamsu community after a series of rejections. When I moved to live in the Samyang community in March 2021, the community had turned cold to me; they had been kind to me as a visitor, but were suspicious of my intentions of moving into the village. Frustrated, I was close to giving up on this community. Before leaving the village, I visited the Samyang House of Jamsu,hoping to again communicate my intentions. I saw Jamsu “Kim” working on the road. Instead of ignoring me, she asked for my help. Her left arm was in a cast. She said she had slipped and fallen when walking back from the water to the land. Passing through the uneven basalt stone terrain is dangerous,especially carrying harvest. Due to her broken arm,“Kim” could not join her colleagues at the intertidal zone, where the Jamsu harvesttotduring low tide(Fig. 4). In 2021, thetotharvest occurred from April 14-16 in Samyang. Men, typically husbands or sons,would have helped to carry the seaweed back to shore. However, in Samyang village, I was the only man who was available at that time, and so I joined to help with the harvest.

As the tide receded, the six Jamsu proceeded farther to the edge of the land, cutting the seaweed.When the tide came in, we carried thetotto the land. Rushing against the incoming tide, we had to move quickly. A bag oftotoften weighs between 20 and 30 kilograms. Carrying it is dangerous due to the slippery and uneven rocks. Like Jamsu “Kim,”I also slipped and cut myself. After three days of carryingtoton the basalt stones, I learned to notice a relatively safer passage in the landscape. In the beginning, when walking along a slippery route,the Jamsu would guide me to a safer path. To my untrained eye, all the rocks were black with a similar appearance. Only by walking on the landscape did I begin to learn where the rocks were more stable and less slippery.

In need of pathways, the Jamsu built paths in cement. These pathways connected the land and theirbada-bat,even allowing vehicular access.However, this construction method destroyed the habitat for many species, such as conchs, goose barnacles, and crabs that inhabit the cracks of these rocks.

My second proposition of Submersible Urbanism is to make a sustainable pathway with horned turban shells. After harvesting horned turbans, the Samyang Jamsu boil them immediately.After removing the meat, they discard the empty shells. These shells used to be recycled into buttons at a factory during the Japanese colonial occupation of Korea in the 1920s[17]. However, after the closure of the factory in the 1980s, the shells were no longer recycled on an industrial scale⑧.

The structural characteristics of horned turban shells suggest their potential use as an infill material in the intertidal zone. The exterior of horned turban shells are spiked. These shells,consisting of calcium carbonate (CaCO3), show strong structural integrity. When stacked, the spikes of the shells bind with each other and stabilize.Along the known safe path traveled by the Jamsu,layers of geogrid and geonet will be installed to the rocks. Filling geonet with horned turban shells will provide the necessary volume to fill the cracks and gaps of the basalt stone landscape (Fig. 5).Furthermore, the pathway will mark the landscape where the Jamsu walk and provide a safe path for everyone to access the ocean, including the Jamsu,tourists, and residents to access the ocean. More importantly, the path will provide an opportunity for people to reconnect to the sea through symbiotic relationships (e.g. planting seeds and carrying the harvest) by making such work easier and accessible. Over time, the horned turban shells will break apart by the waves and the steps of people. Replenishing the path on a regular basis will encourage a new cycle for horned turban shells.

3 Expanding the Community and Its Commons

“Be quiet and go away.”⑨

Bada-bathas been discussed as a model of sustainable commons by many scholars. The ethnographic research by Ahn in Gimnyeong village describes the regulatory and cultivating practices in detail. She also describes the complex social networks of the village and the Jamsu community and how these components are critical to the maintenance ofbada-bat[1]. In 2021, Wujeong Noh examined the Jamsucommunity and theirbadabatfrom Ostrom’s design principles for enabling collective management of common pool resources and showed how they satisfy all of the principles:clear boundaries and membership, congruent rules,collective-choice arenas, monitoring, graduated sanctions, conflict-resolution mechanisms,recognized rights to organize, nested units, and institutional performance[18-19].Bada-bat was also examined as a Globally Important Agricultural Heritage System (GIAHS) by Wonseob Song[20].

However, what these scholars do not address is the architectural scale of the commons, especially the modern architecture of the Jamsu. The Jamsu were divers, farmers, and architects. If the seascape ofbada-batshowed the principles of the commons and their operations, the spirit of the commons manifests most tangibly in the architectural scale.

Bulteok, an outdoor fireplace, is an archetype of Jamsu architecture and a spatial foundation of the community. It consists of a fire pit, a surrounding stonewall, andpangdol(a flat surface made of stones onto which tools and offerings are placed). Jamsu constructed their spaces with local basalt stones.Bulteokprovides a space protected from the wind, where Jamsu warm themselves,change their clothes, and discuss things before, inbetween, and aftermuljil(Fig. 6, 7).

From 1985 until the early 1990s, these traditionalbulteokwere translated into a modern indoor space, calledJamsu-tal-uijang, meaning changing place of Jamsu orHaenyeo-ui-jip,meaning house of Haenyeo. Led by the governor at that time, Byeong-gu Jang, these changing places were built along the coast. They provided communal bathtubs wherethe Jamsu can easily enter from the vestibule directly to the bathroom aftermuljil, shower, and exit dry to the living room. Over time, the Jamsu added kitchens and workrooms, enhancing the domesticity and productivity of the space[21].

These Jamsu spaces and cultures are disappearing quickly, despite preservation efforts by the government and their status as an UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity and preservation efforts by the government. The Jamsu population has declined from 20,000 in the 1960s to 4,000 in 2020. In 2020, 59% of Jamsu were older than 70 years-old[22]. By 2019, there were only 102 changing placesleft[21]. Despite their impending extinction, the community is gated and seclusive. To become a member of a Jamsu community, one has to gain the unanimous approval of the community she wishes to join. Sometimes they have to make a downpayment for the membership. A man, by definition, cannot become a diving-woman. This exclusiveness derives from prior investments by the members, a distrust of outsiders, and the decline ofmulgunin theirbada-batand their income. With the aging population, many people are concerned that the Jamsu may one day become extinct, if their doors are not opened[23]. Through my fieldwork, I wanted to test the possibility of being involved in the Jamsu community as a man, an architect, and a marginal being.

There was an abandonedbulteokin Samyang calledhalmang bulteok, meaning grandmothers’fireplace. Thebulteokhad a rectangular plan.Its north wall, approximately 1.4 meters tall, was intact. Its south wall was cut in half, and was used as a foundation for a storage unit built on top. This storage unit, owned by a neighbor, blocked the entryway (olleh) to thebulteok,which accelerated its decline. The east wall was destroyed in the middle by a typhoon years ago.

The Samyang Jamsu felt emotional about the loss of thebulteok. They had numerous memories of the place. Jamsu “Kim” told me that there used to be twobulteoks.The existing one,halmang bulteok,was used by the elder Jamsu. It protected the Jamsu from the winds better than the other as it was well surrounded by its walls and natural topography. The young Jamsu, including “Kim,”had to use the otherbulteok,which no longer exists. If a young Jamsu tries to enterhalmang bulteokto ask questions, the elder Jamsu would shout “Be quiet! Go away!”⑩

My third proposition of Submersible Urbanism is to revitalizehalmang bulteokas a meeting place between Jamsu and outsiders.After a series of efforts, the Samyang Jamsu allowed me to create a common space where the younger generations and even men could enter and share time and space with the Jamsu. This meeting place will form loose solidarities between the Jamsu and the outsiders. I rebuilt the destroyed wall and added a roof where people could shelter from rain and sun, and rest with a fire at the center.

The concept of the roof wasbonjogaeng-i.Bonjogaeng-iis an abalone shell that Jamsu place underwater as a marker when they findmulgun,but are out of breath and must quickly return to the surface. Before they leave, they place this bright shell next to themulgun; shining in the dark basalt stone landscape,bonjogaeng-iallows Jamsu to return to catch themulgunthey had found. Likebonjogaeng-i,the new roof with horned turban and abalone shells on top would mark thebulteokin the landscape. The roof design was a typological negotiation between the traditional thatched roof and the modern flat roof. Traditional Jeju thatched roofs were designed with low slopes and gentle curvature. Collected after the harvest of barley, hay was stacked thick and tied on the roof to prevent it from flying away in the windy climate of the island. When the slate roof was introduced in the late 20th century,it was too light and had to be secured, often with tires and stones. In this proposition, against the high winds of the island, horned turban shells will be placed onto the flat roof. Once the shells are dried under the sun, they can be powdered and used as a natural fertilizer.

Construction of the project became another way to engage with the people and the field. While many people supported my work, not everyone welcomed my intervention. In particular, the owner of the storage unit seemed to feel uncomfortable that I was doing something for the Jamsu. The relationship between the owner and the Samyang Jamsu was not favorable ever since the owner destroyed thebulteokand blocked the access in the 1990s. Unlike the Jamsu changing room, thebulteokwas not legally owned by the Jamsu community. A couple of days after my encounter with the storage owner, local government officials visited the site for inspection. They said that a complaint was filed with them regarding my “suspicious” activities on site. These local relationships — both favorable and unfavorable — became tangible as I built.

The act of building changed my relationship with the Samyang Jamsu. They often stopped by thebulteokand gave me advice on the design of the roof as well as techniques for piling the stonewalls. Construction, because it was a form of manual labor, was viewed as a sincere effort by the Jamsu. They were skeptical of me and the project in the beginning. As the project came to life, their trust in me and the project grew. In particular, the tangible reality of the construction made them imagine new possibilities of thebulteok.One of those imaginations was having a barbecue in thebulteokunder the new roof. On July 1st, 2021, we celebrated the completion of the project by making a fire at thebulteokfor barbeque (Fig. 8).

4 Epilogue: Sending a Boat of Offerings

“A Jamsu has to be greedy to do muljil well.”[1]

Jamsu and fishermen in Jeju believe that a goddess of wind,Yeongdeung halmang(Yeongdeunggrandmother), comes to Jeju Island from the first until the fifteenth of February in the lunar calendar. Instead of going out tomuljil,the Jamsu prepare to welcomeYeongdeung halmangwith a series of rituals, calledYeongdeong-gut.They believe thatYeongdeong halmangspreads the seeds of abalones, horned turbans, and barley,bringing prosperity to the island. On March 29th,2021, I joined theYeongdeong-gutin Ojo village.Jamsu and the local fishermen built a small boat made out of a rubber basket. They place various offerings such as rice, fruits, and a live chicken inside the boat. They sent the boat out to the ocean, praying for their safety and a good harvest for the year.

Yeongdeong-gutshows not only a way of returning their harvest to nature but also a spiritual belief that humans are a part of the larger universe and its order. The Jamsu still ascribe to this belief,perhaps due to the experience of being submerged in an immense body of moving water. Unlike being on static soil, the human body is unstable in the water. Breathing is impossible, and death can feel imminent. Such embodied experiences make one humble in front of the power of nature.

Like all humans, Jamsu are complex and contradictory. They often say “a Jamsu needs to be greedy to domuljilwell”[1]. They call living things in the ocean objects (mulgun), purely based on their economic value.At the same time, they pray to gods and goddesses of the ocean for their safety and prosperity. Instead of being greedy,by catching as much as possible, they voluntarily place regulations to keep theirbada-batsustainable,spreading the seeds for the next season. They are proud of being Jamsu, and at the same time, look down upon themselves. They welcome me one day,and exclude me the next day.

Design, including landscape architecture and architecture, draws the material and immaterial aspects of life in space. Yet, as a designer, it is not easy to understand the minds of people I design for solely based on brief conversations or books.Landscape fieldwork provides the opportunity to access deeper human complexities by observing and participating in their patterns of life in their landscapes and spaces.Bada-bat,wooyoung-pat,bulteok,Jamsu changing room… These spaces reflect their lives, wishes, and necessities. All of these spaces were built in harmony with nature,acknowledging that we are a part of the universe.

In the age of climate change, global warming,and sea-level rise, the three propositions of Submersible Urbanism show a way of living across land and sea. Instead of retreating or shoring up the waterfronts, Submersible Urbanism suggests a rhythmic, reciprocal, and regional system in which actors positively exchange their (by)products through the cultivated land/seascape and built environment. When such principles of commons and cyclical relationship to the environment are scaled to the city, cities can be economic coalitions to climate change, alternatives to neoliberal privatization of land and sea, and most importantly a community where people restore a sense of belonging to nature.

Acknowledgments:

This project was possible thanks to the generosity of many people. My professors at Harvard University Graduate School of Design, Alfredo Theirmann and Alex Wall,provided the intellectual framework along with much advice.Many Jamsu welcomed me into their communities and shared with me their time and knowledge. Scholars and friends have provided me with research materials, as well as thoughful feedback on my work. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to everyone involved in this project.

Notes:

① In this article, the lead author (Kang) chose to use the term “Jamsu/Jamnyeo” to refer to the female divers,instead of the more widely used term “Haenyeo”. The term “Haenyeo” is Japanese in origin (introduced in the 1920s during the Japanese Colonial Occupation of Korea),while the term “Jamsu/Jamnyeo” appears in the records as early as the 17th century in Korea (see reference [1]).Most importantly, I found that the divers use “Jamsu” more than “Haenyeo” to refer to one another or themselves in conversations. This intentional choice of language reflects the authors’ respect for this community, and our deference in allowing their vocabulary, rather than that of others and or outsiders, to define them.

② In May 2022, a year after the fieldwork, there were only five Jamsu left. One Jamsu passed away after a COVID-19 vaccination, and the other was hospitalized for illness.Three of the remaining five were older than 80 years old.

③ For more on this concept, see Doherty’s forthcoming book,Landscape Fieldwork(UVA Press).

④ Author’s field note, March 9th, 2021.

⑤ Author’s field note, March 9th, 2021.

⑥ Author’s field note, September 28th, 2020.

⑦ Author’s field note, April 13th, 2021.

⑧ In a restaurant run by the Dongbok Jamsu community,the shells were collected to be recycled by a contractor into traditional lacquerware. However, with the declining demand for traditional lacquerware, the horned turban shells have become an undesirable byproduct. Author’s field note, April 30th, 2021.

⑨ Author’s audio recording, April 17th, 2021.

⑩ Author’s audio recording, April 17th, 2021.

Sources of Figures:

All Figures ? Junho Kang.

(Editor / LIU Yuxia)