翻譯：劉瓊琳Text： Niall G. KirkwoodTranslator： LIU Qiong-lin

彈性城市：印度孟買的索引

作者：尼爾·G·柯克伍德

翻譯：劉瓊琳
Text： Niall G. Kirkwood
Translator： LIU Qiong-lin

彈性被定義為“一個(gè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)能適應(yīng)干擾而不會(huì)崩潰的能力”。因此彈性是賦予人類和生態(tài)系統(tǒng)恢復(fù)的能力和未來的適應(yīng)能力以及可能給予人類運(yùn)用知識(shí)來預(yù)測(cè)和計(jì)劃未來的能力。隨著強(qiáng)調(diào)和諧、人本主義和可持續(xù)的風(fēng)景園林形式、城市化的進(jìn)程、未來城市和社區(qū)的目的，擬解決以下問題：當(dāng)代風(fēng)景園林實(shí)踐中涉及到我所描述的“彈性景觀”的關(guān)鍵思想是什么？它的歷史根源是什么，又是如何被組織起來的？ 哪一部分是傳統(tǒng)、有價(jià)值的、平衡的和能適應(yīng)整個(gè)過程的？?jī)蓚€(gè)主題將被引入來應(yīng)對(duì)和探索“彈性景觀”的理念——全球環(huán)境下的后工業(yè)景觀的角色，以及尤其在快速發(fā)展的國(guó)家如印度發(fā)現(xiàn)的非正式景觀中的設(shè)計(jì)和基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施問題。將通過印度城市孟買的案例詳述上述主題，并會(huì)探討是否以及為何大都市中心和它們的“彈性景觀”是可持續(xù)的、能保持社會(huì)公正的，包括可以解決超越了社會(huì)、政治和文化的環(huán)境的生態(tài)環(huán)境觀念。

彈性土地；景觀生態(tài)；景觀設(shè)計(jì)；可持續(xù)性；土地復(fù)墾；生態(tài)系統(tǒng)設(shè)計(jì)和修復(fù)

修回日期：2016-01-15

“很快就會(huì)有比生活在澳洲這個(gè)國(guó)家更多的人口生活在孟買這個(gè)城市。印度的主要城市的入口處就這樣寫道。孟買是印度最大的城市，在這個(gè)區(qū)域內(nèi)居住著如此龐大數(shù)量的民眾，這完全是對(duì)城市活力的一項(xiàng)巨大考驗(yàn)，一個(gè)測(cè)試：1 400萬人口的居民數(shù)量使孟買成為地球上之最。孟買是這個(gè)地球上城市化未來趨勢(shì)的小縮影。上帝請(qǐng)拯救我們吧！”

——沙克圖?梅塔（Suketu Mehta）（《極限城市孟買的失和得》）［1］

1　引言

彈性被定義為“一個(gè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)能適應(yīng)干擾而不會(huì)崩潰的能力”。①因此彈性賦予人類和生態(tài)系統(tǒng)都有恢復(fù)和適應(yīng)的能力并給予人類運(yùn)用知識(shí)來預(yù)測(cè)和計(jì)劃未來的能力。城市日益成為人員、資本、文化和信息的全球交流中心。在過去30年它們的角色如金融控制中心的作用不斷擴(kuò)大，創(chuàng)造出了一種新型蔓延類型，通常是多中心的彈性城市群?，F(xiàn)有超過20個(gè)過1 000萬居住人口的特大城市區(qū)域，也有將近450個(gè)過一百萬以上居住人口的城市地區(qū)。統(tǒng)計(jì)起來將是超過10億的人卻居住在地球上相對(duì)較小面積的表面。若它們?cè)龠M(jìn)一步擴(kuò)大，就會(huì)形成超過5 000萬居民的城市化地區(qū)，他們的足跡將直接影響地球的氣候變化和生態(tài)平衡以及現(xiàn)有的和新興的城市居民生活。因此本文將研究重點(diǎn)放在現(xiàn)代特大型城市的都市景觀演變，尤其是印度次大陸的極端環(huán)境和過度擁擠的城市中心現(xiàn)象，專注于印度城市孟買（圖1）。

當(dāng)論及孟買的彈性景觀，則是討論強(qiáng)烈的美、情感、意義、生態(tài)、耐心和時(shí)間，并引入了潛在的、固有的、矛盾的世界性景觀：一個(gè)遷移和回歸、變異、自我分裂、愛、死亡與重生的景觀。

棲息在海洋上但仍錨固在印度大陸的土壤中、富可敵國(guó)卻窮得令人心酸的、歷史悠久的貿(mào)易港口，而現(xiàn)在是一個(gè)現(xiàn)代化的全球企業(yè)中心同時(shí)兼有類似家庭的多樣街道微型企業(yè)，過度擁擠的社會(huì)分裂但仍共生的多元種族背景和宗教，有一個(gè)城市景觀和遺產(chǎn)建筑的核心卻覆蓋著不堪重負(fù)的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施如下水道、供水系統(tǒng)、道路、鐵路，貧瘠的土地上不斷擅自占用邊界空地的激增和擴(kuò)散的棚戶小屋（或jopadpattis）。孟買的工業(yè)和金融資本仍占據(jù)著印度的主導(dǎo)地位——一片地理資源豐富、生態(tài)適應(yīng)、創(chuàng)新、勤勉、緊張且人口密集、衛(wèi)生落后但有彈性的城市土地，地處悶熱的環(huán)境，被季風(fēng)降雨濕透著，隨著“……各種誘惑和被渦輪增壓的雄心”②在經(jīng)濟(jì)和文化中波動(dòng)。

最初的孟買市區(qū)（島城）是由棲息在印度西海岸的撒爾塞特半島（Salsette Island）的7個(gè)島嶼組成的，隨著孟買郊區(qū)（Bombay Suburban District） 和 東 部 郊 區(qū)（Eastern Suburbs）包括新孟買（New Bombay）的創(chuàng)建，孟買逐漸發(fā)展為一個(gè)大都市區(qū)。孟買作為印度經(jīng)濟(jì)快速增長(zhǎng)和人口膨脹時(shí)期中建立起的特大型城市，是極易被眾人關(guān)注和記載到的。在印度沒有哪個(gè)地方比孟買市區(qū)（島城）更能體現(xiàn)出這一活力。作為擁有1 400萬人口的都市，總體人口密度是每平方英里（2.59km2）17 550人，同時(shí)大孟買區(qū)域有2 100萬人口。孟買中心城區(qū)的部分地區(qū)的人口密度是每平方英里（2.59km2）100萬人，這與世界上任何一個(gè)地方相比都是世界上人口聚集數(shù)量最多的。預(yù)計(jì)孟買市區(qū)（島城）的人口將會(huì)從1 400萬上升到2015年的2 190萬。除了緊迫需要的規(guī)劃問題如交通、住房、公共衛(wèi)生、城市洪水和衛(wèi)生設(shè)施等需要被解決，人口過剩也是一個(gè)首要問題。

這是一片辛勤勞作的土地，一個(gè)被脆弱且有彈性的人群拖累的城市，受海洋的限制，賦予了各種神圣的意義，充滿了勞動(dòng)的汗水和季風(fēng)降雨，被破壞的自然體系和一個(gè)搖搖欲墜的和破舊不堪的結(jié)構(gòu)所困的種族。正如VS Napaul所寫到的“一邊說珍惜，一邊不考慮它的損傷瓦解而毫無為憾地持續(xù)使用?！保?］這里是非常不適宜居留的城市環(huán)境，大多數(shù)的居民并不認(rèn)為獲得住房、水、電、衛(wèi)生設(shè)施、開放空間、清新的空氣、快捷的運(yùn)輸?shù)然疚镔|(zhì)是理所當(dāng)然的，有超過60%的城市人口沒有正式的住房。相反52 000個(gè)貧民窟以超過每平方英里（2.59km2）525 000人的人口密度容納著800萬城市居民，其余的60%的居民住在街道的路面，稱之為路面居民。即使對(duì)于那些獲得一室公寓、公共交通和衛(wèi)生設(shè)施的居民，城市目前也盡是完全不足的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施、可怕的交通堵塞、破舊的開放空間。孟買在福布斯全球生活品質(zhì)調(diào)查的218個(gè)城市中排名第163位，根據(jù)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人智庫(kù)（Economist Intelligence Unit）的艱辛等級(jí)，在130個(gè)城市中排名第124位。

當(dāng)城市重塑其肌理、建筑物、基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施和景觀空間的過程中，我們能發(fā)現(xiàn)有5大趨勢(shì)。

2　五大趨勢(shì)

第一個(gè)趨勢(shì)是重點(diǎn)擴(kuò)充貿(mào)易和經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)，根據(jù)這個(gè)海島城市的歷史，讓城市形成向北和向東擴(kuò)張的結(jié)果。從小漁村到商埠、到東印度公司、再到紡織廠區(qū)、最后成為金融貿(mào)易建筑群。

第二個(gè)趨勢(shì)是行政管轄。20世紀(jì)60年代中期印度共和國(guó)建立以后，孟買成為馬哈拉施特拉邦（Maharashtra）的首府。城市景觀的最大特點(diǎn)即大規(guī)模建設(shè)住宅群、商業(yè)區(qū)和基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施。就在這個(gè)時(shí)期，在空間使用和生存問題上，在有漏洞的法規(guī)、大眾政治和戰(zhàn)術(shù)談判支配下貧民窟漸漸開始出現(xiàn)在密集的城市居住區(qū)。

第三大趨勢(shì)是關(guān)系到經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇的構(gòu)建社會(huì)議程、解決當(dāng)?shù)厝烁＠凸步】敌枨髥栴}，及更普遍財(cái)富分配的區(qū)域性問題。

第四個(gè)趨勢(shì)是強(qiáng)調(diào)未來城市新的大型工程和大規(guī)?；A(chǔ)設(shè)施建設(shè)的重要性，如最近的班德拉—沃里跨海大橋項(xiàng)目（Bandra-Worli Sea Link），其帶來了一系列顯而易見的好處，帶動(dòng)了城市重新復(fù)蘇的諸多效應(yīng)。

第五個(gè)趨勢(shì)是給城市美容，這是非常務(wù)實(shí)的。需要精確得當(dāng)?shù)氖褂媒ㄖ牧?，不能再忽視這些材料的風(fēng)化，破損和過度使用問題；關(guān)注文化、了解自己的弱點(diǎn)；沒有什么比擁有逐步增加小規(guī)模項(xiàng)目來實(shí)現(xiàn)變革、引起重要的議題的能力更重要的了。一個(gè)例子就是Chickhlwadi衛(wèi)生設(shè)施項(xiàng)目。孟買有大約一半的人口缺乏衛(wèi)生設(shè)施，如自來水和污水連接器。這個(gè)項(xiàng)目包括了社區(qū)公共廁所的設(shè)計(jì)、構(gòu)建和集體維護(hù)。它們包括被隔離開的男人、女人和小孩的空間。建設(shè)資金來自邦或直治市，同時(shí)它們還必須確保能給這個(gè)街區(qū)提供水和電。

3　索引

雖然這5個(gè)趨勢(shì)在城市的演變中已經(jīng)或正以恰當(dāng)?shù)姆绞桨l(fā)揮作用，但也還有其他的設(shè)計(jì)活動(dòng)可以在根基上對(duì)未來城市的形成產(chǎn)生更大影響。在本文的后面部分我想圍繞著孟買，構(gòu)架一個(gè)設(shè)計(jì)主題、環(huán)境、探索和猜想的索引形式③去客觀地平衡作用于城市中的各方參與者、各個(gè)角度、多種推動(dòng)力及影響。索引（index），最初來自拉丁語的意思是“發(fā)現(xiàn)者”或“指示物”，它是非常正式的、客觀的文字和圖形結(jié)構(gòu)。它強(qiáng)調(diào)了一種有時(shí)復(fù)雜的、渾沌的、莫測(cè)高深的場(chǎng)所、文本、位置、或一組空間或狀態(tài)（孟買常常會(huì)出現(xiàn)這種場(chǎng)景）的精神和物質(zhì)序列。這是當(dāng)前有且只有以包含過去和現(xiàn)在、理想和現(xiàn)實(shí)、神話和魔法的方式去破譯孟買的城市景觀。這里的故事更多地依賴于日常和季節(jié)性的潮起潮落而不是線性敘事，這樣可能會(huì)浮現(xiàn)更全面的和富含表情的彈性的城市生活和嵌入式的設(shè)計(jì)。

3.1地圖集（Atlas）

第一項(xiàng)索引是地圖集，這是一種地理學(xué)。孟買是由兩個(gè)截然不同的區(qū)域組成：孟買市區(qū)（常稱為島城）和孟買郊區(qū)，形成兩個(gè)獨(dú)立的馬哈拉施特拉邦的地區(qū)。這個(gè)城市是印度人口最多的城市，也是世界上第二個(gè)人口數(shù)量最多的城市。它如果包括郊區(qū)新孟買（Navi Mumbai）和孟買的衛(wèi)星城塔那（Thane），就約有1 900-2 000萬人口，形成了全球第4大城市群（圖2）。

撒爾塞特島嶼的438km2被孟買覆蓋，其中近1/5的面積是屬于國(guó)家公園。這意味著都市面積被壓縮到約350km2。這里的總體居住密度高度擁擠，大約是倫敦居住密度的7倍。其公共開放空間是有限的，只有城市面積的1%。孟買的富裕階層生活在一個(gè)沿著城市的南北軸拉伸的走廊區(qū)域。這里的高層住宅被密集的、低層寮屋住宅包圍著。缺乏投資意味著城市基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施無法滿足不斷增長(zhǎng)的人口需求。孟買這座城市本身是被剝奪政治權(quán)利的重要形式：盡管它提供給馬哈拉施特拉邦稅收的最大份額（70%），但只有一小部分回歸這個(gè)城市。更重要的是，邦政府控制著城市功能的運(yùn)作，而不是城市本身。因此孟買很少去建立或維護(hù)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施。事實(shí)上，自從1947年英國(guó)撤離印度之后，很少有基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施大規(guī)模創(chuàng)建。

3.2承載能力

這個(gè)課題思路是結(jié)合場(chǎng)地和“承載能力”來研究。承載能力是支持在孟買城市地區(qū)供給且必須的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施如水、電力、衛(wèi)生、社區(qū)設(shè)施和食物。印度和孟買利用一切物質(zhì)資源來生存，包括達(dá)到極限承載能力的土地，因此相比北美或歐洲的條件，最基本和最必須要考慮的是加強(qiáng)可持續(xù)性（圖3）。但正如我們已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)的，可持續(xù)性作為衡量生活質(zhì)量和健康的一項(xiàng)措施有其使用的局限性。人口生長(zhǎng)率和不斷增加的城市密度使這片土地負(fù)擔(dān)重重，最終人口數(shù)量本身無逆轉(zhuǎn)的希望。真正的問題仍存在著，需要多少生產(chǎn)型土地、水資源環(huán)境系統(tǒng)和廢物管理系統(tǒng)才可以無限期地支持孟買人口目前的消費(fèi)水平需要？隨著城市人口的增長(zhǎng)速度越來越快和不斷的消費(fèi)，會(huì)令這些都市系統(tǒng)發(fā)生什么情況呢？在試圖解決這些問題中一個(gè)更為根本的問題出現(xiàn)了——什么構(gòu)成了孟買的人口過剩？

符合孟買城市條件的承載能力，是要能支持當(dāng)代和后代且自然資源不被退化的自然、社會(huì)、文化和經(jīng)濟(jì)環(huán)境限制的特定區(qū)域內(nèi)的居民數(shù)量。任何給定區(qū)域的承載能力都是不固定的、可通過技術(shù)手段來改變和改善。但環(huán)境變差，承載能力就會(huì)收縮，這將導(dǎo)致不能再支撐它當(dāng)初的人數(shù)。在此背景下，研究更發(fā)展了這個(gè)想法，以證實(shí)特定地區(qū)的承載能力可以匯總制定出一個(gè)模式并融入到2011大都市計(jì)劃（2011 Metropolitan Plan）中。但同時(shí)也引出了是否能定義可持續(xù)性的量度問題，這尚未包含有關(guān)解決資源過度利用和環(huán)境質(zhì)量惡化的隱含假設(shè)問題。

3.3拼貼畫

值得注意的是一些大都市的大型中心特別是亞洲的特大城市，他們都非常嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)?shù)乜刂坪捅Ｗo(hù)它們的資源；另一些大型中心則比較不安分，在不同發(fā)展階段中轉(zhuǎn)變成新的用途。但也有其他類似孟買這樣的城市，并未很好的管理擁有的物質(zhì)和文化資源，還停留在凌亂未分類的原料階段。像路面拾荒者一般，他們總徘徊著、發(fā)現(xiàn)了并拔起有趣的就使用，或能被出售或再次被收購(gòu)的就使用，甚至是發(fā)現(xiàn)未來某一天可派上用場(chǎng)的就留下。整個(gè)過程中，缺乏任何利用資源的規(guī)定，應(yīng)該如何被歸類和最合理地使用資源、或預(yù)留多大空間是允許想象創(chuàng)意發(fā)揮等統(tǒng)籌步驟。這座城市制造了一個(gè)憑借自身資源的功效碎片，許多資源都是各自獨(dú)立的在運(yùn)作、或流言編造成故事。例如，如何將廚房里的熱食通過便當(dāng)仔（Tiffinwallas）配送到工作地點(diǎn)，從Dhobi Ghat洗衣場(chǎng)到鹽場(chǎng)、到人力車出租車等種種連續(xù)的矛盾現(xiàn)象呈現(xiàn)出的視覺和邏輯的混亂（圖4）。第一，大孟買市景觀、區(qū)域和流域的重要性。第二，是要利用時(shí)機(jī)來彌合因讓少數(shù)民族的獨(dú)裁，而不信任任勞任怨的大多數(shù)民眾而造成的創(chuàng)傷以及修復(fù)這道鴻溝。第三，是人們?nèi)粘Ｉ畹哪Ｊ?，從?wù)實(shí)的角度來看，在地方尺度上，還應(yīng)是集體完成而不是個(gè)人的，才可以做到可靠穩(wěn)固。簡(jiǎn)言之，需形成一個(gè)自給自足的城市。

3.4設(shè)計(jì)

通過簡(jiǎn)單回顧曼徹斯特、倫敦、伊斯坦布爾、伊朗和葡萄牙這幾個(gè)世界主要的貿(mào)易城市和國(guó)家，不難發(fā)現(xiàn)孟買的商貿(mào)傳統(tǒng)也從中借鑒了一些精神、事跡、語言和圖形圖標(biāo)等。19世紀(jì)的孟買，大量同時(shí)期的規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)和宗主國(guó)工程符號(hào)的涌現(xiàn)及統(tǒng)一規(guī)范化。鐵路和博物館建設(shè)不僅勾勒出了城市的輪廓，還有力控制著城市的結(jié)構(gòu)和肌理。3條南北運(yùn)輸線運(yùn)行在孟買港的長(zhǎng)邊上，它不僅聯(lián)通著長(zhǎng)短途、拉近了鄰里和陌生人間的距離，更重新定義了孟買的邊界和前沿?；疖嚨某霈F(xiàn)不僅是完成地理上的運(yùn)輸作用，還整合提升了從孟買島城深入到大陸板塊再返回的循環(huán)系統(tǒng)。像老倫敦的建筑一樣，孟買的博物館建筑是被執(zhí)政文化的控制者建立起來的時(shí)代教堂，英國(guó)通過多樣化的過去、遙遠(yuǎn)國(guó)度的文明，來為觀賞者記錄這段旅途的別樣風(fēng)情。無論是鐵路還是博物館都可聽任穿越廣闊的時(shí)空，為部分城市居民帶來更開闊的視野，做到安全便捷的接送他們來回。

3.5達(dá)拉維（Dharavi）

當(dāng)降落在孟買的國(guó)際機(jī)場(chǎng)時(shí)，許多游客對(duì)城市的第一印象是一排圍繞著主跑道盡頭的波紋屋頂?shù)呐镂?。?jīng)常提及的事實(shí)是，這個(gè)城市近60%的人口沒有正式的住房。其余60%的家庭和個(gè)人像路面居民一樣生活在街頭，日?，嵤氯缢X、吃、做木炭或籃子、擺賣、照顧孩子、洗漱都發(fā)生在公眾視線中。在孟買52 000個(gè)棚戶區(qū)容納800萬戶城市居民，密度超過每平方英里（2.59km2）525 000人。他們的房屋用的是未受監(jiān)管的建筑結(jié)構(gòu)，通常是用泥土、磚和石棉片板建造，沒有衛(wèi)生設(shè)施。

曾一度以上海為榜樣幾乎是這個(gè)國(guó)家的商業(yè)資本可行的形象，同時(shí)這些棚戶區(qū)和街頭生活的作風(fēng)也是公然反抗政府的行為，已超過30年問題仍未解決。隱藏在達(dá)拉維和其他的孟買蔓生的棚戶區(qū)的居民，是一個(gè)真實(shí)的社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)且他們還獨(dú)具企業(yè)家精神。他們催生出了從陶器加工到皮革制品的商業(yè)，現(xiàn)在也開始支持正規(guī)的房地產(chǎn)開發(fā)。孟買最大的棚戶區(qū)位于達(dá)拉維，這里臨近機(jī)場(chǎng)，占地220hm2（530英畝），毗鄰一個(gè)大型自然公園，距離城市新的商務(wù)區(qū)班德拉-庫(kù)爾拉（Bandra-Kurla）約1英里（1.61km）左右，有10萬人每年生產(chǎn)超過5億美元商品價(jià)值。最初，這個(gè)沿著馬希姆河（Mahim Creek）堤岸生活的科利（Kolis）小村莊或漁村，通過幾十年的居民遷移和強(qiáng)制拆遷來的城市其他部分的貧民窟已經(jīng)填滿了沼澤地，形成了被稱為納加爾（Nagars）的地毯式連續(xù)定居點(diǎn)。達(dá)拉維，正如記者Kalpana Sharma描述的：“今天印度各地是一個(gè)相互關(guān)聯(lián)的村莊和城鎮(zhèn)體系”。幾英尺寬的小巷中有面包店、金屬車間以及回收從手機(jī)、醫(yī)療注射器到電話機(jī)的廢棄塑料產(chǎn)品的棚屋。還有塞滿從屠宰場(chǎng)收集的水牛、山羊和其它動(dòng)物皮的卡車也通過這些窄巷運(yùn)到制革廠。就近，工人們?cè)谝淮≤囬g里噴漆、切割和壓制條狀和板狀的皮革和乙烯基，最終完成錢包、皮袋和行李箱的制作加工。超過800個(gè)家庭參與用窯匠的輪子制作達(dá)拉維內(nèi)銷和外銷的陶器、類似傳統(tǒng)粘土水壺和花盆等成型產(chǎn)品，窯燒用的除木材外還包括輪胎在內(nèi)的其它污染垃圾。查爾斯王子在2003年訪問達(dá)拉維時(shí)贊美了它并評(píng)論，“過幾年時(shí)間后，這樣的社區(qū)將被視為最好地配備去面對(duì)我們將面臨的挑戰(zhàn)，因?yàn)樗麄冇幸粋€(gè)內(nèi)置的具復(fù)原力且真正持久的生活方式?！眰惗氐摹短┪钍繄?bào)》將這個(gè)評(píng)論和最近好萊塢描述孟買窮人的貧困均稱為“貧困色情”（Poverty Porn）。

出生在達(dá)拉維的阿卜杜勒·哈桑（AbdulHassan）和他的兄弟經(jīng)營(yíng)著一個(gè)有12個(gè)工人的金屬加工廠，在狹小不通風(fēng)的房間里鑄造黃銅皮帶扣等物品。在另一個(gè)車間里，帶扣被電鍍上鎳，因?yàn)楣と藗冋f，人們更喜歡鍍鎳后不拋光的扣。政府很少敢驅(qū)逐貧民窟的居民，因?yàn)樗麄儠?huì)背上破壞了窮人房子的罪責(zé)，雖然每個(gè)月有5萬棟相對(duì)較新的住處也會(huì)被推平。若非要定義它為達(dá)拉維的積極方面、贊美或把它說的合理化。一些分析者也會(huì)贊美說這是直接被剝奪的結(jié)果。如居民清除和回收石棉板、藍(lán)色塑料防潮布和竹腳手架這樣低資源消耗可能對(duì)地球有好處，但它不是居民自愿的選擇。類似孟買的社會(huì)促進(jìn)區(qū)域資源中心（SPARC）這樣的組織已經(jīng)開始與居民合作一點(diǎn)點(diǎn)地重新恢復(fù)小型場(chǎng)地。在國(guó)際援助機(jī)構(gòu)和SPARC銀行的支持下，現(xiàn)已建立了能顯著改善生活條件的21m2（225平方英尺）的公寓模塊，但項(xiàng)目進(jìn)展緩慢。過去的7年里，他們反對(duì)貧民窟康復(fù)機(jī)構(gòu)（Slum Rehabilitation Authority）計(jì)劃卻允許私人開發(fā)商改造達(dá)拉維，將未受監(jiān)管的房屋和迷你小工廠變成一個(gè)12億美元的展示品。

3.6工廠土地

這些修復(fù)改造計(jì)劃都是努力去重新生成位于城市中心的以前58個(gè)紡織廠的場(chǎng)地，重建、更新大約1/4屬于政府所有并被住宅土地控制著的城市面積。

被停業(yè)和遺棄的孟買城市中心的58個(gè)具有歷史意義的棉紡織廠所在的600畝（240hm2）土地的命運(yùn)一直是持續(xù)被研究的課題（圖5）。課題的關(guān)鍵是：環(huán)保工藝的探索，正如伴隨著有限的資源、極端的人口密度、物質(zhì)衰敗、空間無劃分等狀況的城市形態(tài)的締造者。該工廠的土地一直是公眾持續(xù)炒作、激烈的報(bào)刊文章評(píng)論和專業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)師、工程師、政府官員和遺產(chǎn)組織的特別仔細(xì)審查的主題。工業(yè)土地的股權(quán)有3大問題：

問題1：工廠場(chǎng)地在西高止山脈（Western Gnats）和阿拉伯海沿岸的生態(tài)和地理之中所處的戰(zhàn)略位置和在孟買基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施和城市結(jié)構(gòu)的持續(xù)的增長(zhǎng)和擴(kuò)大中扮演的角色。

問題2：需要重新考慮大部分工廠土地所在的Girangaon區(qū)（“工廠村莊”）的結(jié)構(gòu)和城市景觀系統(tǒng)。

問題3：個(gè)別工廠場(chǎng)地遺址的自我更新的方法可以成為城市其他部分恢復(fù)和發(fā)展的借鑒模式。最后，目前的規(guī)劃和工程中主要缺失的是對(duì)城市景觀的意識(shí)，對(duì)于接下來的規(guī)劃要有一個(gè)城市組織系統(tǒng)的概念。

3.7季風(fēng)

2005年7月26日星期二，孟買和西高止山脈周邊地區(qū)在一天內(nèi)創(chuàng)下94cm（ 37 英寸）的季風(fēng)降水紀(jì)錄。城市的排水系統(tǒng)完全失控，水都匯集在人口稠密的地區(qū)。城市的“排水渠”即9英里長(zhǎng)（14.48km）的米提河（Mithi），從豪爾湖（Vihar Lake）涌向洪水泛濫和不斷溢出的馬希姆河（Mahim Creek）。潮汐影響加劇排水不暢，加之缺乏土地吸收，高潮引起反向水流，海上反到回流進(jìn)入排水系統(tǒng)中。加上在博偉山區(qū)（Powai hill area）范圍的重大山體滑坡中被損壞和埋葬的茅屋、房子和人員，共有512人失去了生命（主要是溺水和觸電）。為什么會(huì)發(fā)生這樣的事呢？米提河的河口區(qū)域因?yàn)榻ㄔ斓缆范^度開墾土地已經(jīng)收縮到原寬度的1/3，主要是班德拉-沃里海（Bandra-Worli）的跨海大橋而引發(fā)的大規(guī)模的填海工程和為建設(shè)由MMRDA注資的班德拉-庫(kù)爾勒（Bandra-Kurla）綜合體工程而破壞了大規(guī)模的紅樹林。由于河岸的兩側(cè)都在施工，米提河也沒有任何“水壩 ”了。加上忽視和在紅樹林沼澤的濫建，孟買的排水基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施狀態(tài)更不佳，例如用來作為天然泄洪水渠的抗沖擊強(qiáng)度其實(shí)是比原預(yù)期差許多。國(guó)家水資源部長(zhǎng) AjitPawar 僅責(zé)怪棚戶區(qū)的擴(kuò)張阻塞了排水管，而沒提那些貪婪的開發(fā)商。有個(gè)災(zāi)難管理計(jì)劃在世界銀行的幫助下于2003年就已擬定。它是旨在擴(kuò)大公共交通的排水通道、緊急公共信息系統(tǒng)、應(yīng)急服務(wù)無線通信和運(yùn)輸系統(tǒng)的設(shè)想。但幾乎沒有跡象顯示這個(gè)項(xiàng)目是有跟進(jìn)的。城市的這場(chǎng)洪水產(chǎn)生的影響也有好有壞，雖然數(shù)以百計(jì)的人被淹死。但與卡特里娜颶風(fēng)（Katrina）襲擊新奧爾良后的情況不同，盡管沒有警察在場(chǎng)，犯罪率也沒有升上去，這里的公民秩序仍舊有序，大家都在忙著互相幫助。棚戶區(qū)的居民走上街頭，把被困的司機(jī)帶回自己的家，為平均入住7個(gè)成年人的一個(gè)房間再搭多了一個(gè)人的窩棚。志愿者涉過被污染的齊腰深的水送吃的給滯留在火車站的15萬人。僅有少量食物的貧困家庭會(huì)放棄給那些富有卻被困的人送去食物。人們筑起人墻幫助受困者走出洪水水域。大多數(shù)的政府組織沒有來援助受災(zāi)民眾，不過也沒有人對(duì)此抱有希望。因?yàn)橐褜?duì)政府的幫助失去信心，孟買的居民們自己相互幫助。城市通過這樣無形的援助網(wǎng)狀系統(tǒng)來行使職責(zé)。

3.8 房屋復(fù)興的土地

大多數(shù)住房開發(fā)用地都位于島上。城市發(fā)展了大約40-60年， 普遍現(xiàn)象是大面積不明確的開放空間缺少有序發(fā)展， 無論是對(duì)普通民眾還是房屋承租人群、市政或公務(wù)員。許多建筑物和周圍街道、小巷、花園、“操場(chǎng)”（maidans）④、公共開放空間和游憩場(chǎng)地都是破舊、搖搖欲墜的，需立即重建和加固。大量的土地上還是破敗的分間出租房（chawls，或稱工人房）和非法貧民窟，人行道居民（pavement dwellers）占據(jù)其上。這些更新的土地是當(dāng)前對(duì)所有階層都最理想又最具爭(zhēng)議的城市景觀，無論是缺乏土地的寮屋居民、人行道居民、工作在貧民窟的居民還是生活在原殖民地區(qū)和房產(chǎn)中的按時(shí)交租的租戶與中產(chǎn)階級(jí)。

根本上，彈性其實(shí)是關(guān)于創(chuàng)造性的景觀規(guī)劃和設(shè)計(jì)的系列方法或途徑，它讓我們反思孟買市區(qū)（島城）的存在、如何應(yīng)對(duì)城市規(guī)模問題、地理擴(kuò)張而引發(fā)自然資源和生態(tài)系統(tǒng)崩潰等問題。這無關(guān)乎于美，也不僅僅是沒來由的形態(tài)塑造和個(gè)人的創(chuàng)作品，而是人民的日常生活。目的是為了理解和加入這個(gè)城市的物質(zhì)和社會(huì)邊界，解決大人口數(shù)量的城市彈性問題，接納更廣泛意義的改進(jìn)和更新，去容納邊緣化的民眾，去超越經(jīng)濟(jì)限制外的設(shè)計(jì)規(guī)劃，敢于質(zhì)疑挑戰(zhàn)公認(rèn)的概念定義。

"There will soon be more people living in the city of Bombay （Mumbai） than on the continent of Australia. URBS PRIMA IN INDUS reads the plaque outside the Gateway of India. It is also the Urbs Prima in Mundis， at least in one area， the first test of the vitality of a city: the number of people living in it. With 14 million people， Bombay is the biggest city on the planet of a race of city dwellers. Bombay is the future of urban civilization on the planet. God help us."

Suketu Mehta Maximum City， Bombay Lost and Found.［1］

1　INTRODUCTION

Resilience is defined as "the capacity of an ecosystem to tolerate disturbance without collapsing”.①It is therefore conferred in human and ecological systems by their capacity for recovery and future adaptation as well as perhaps the given ability of humans to anticipate and plan for that future using that knowledge. Cities are increasingly at the center of global flows of people，capital， culture and information. Over the last thirty years their role as financial command centers has expanded， creating a new type of sprawling，often multi-centered， resilient urban agglomeration. There are now over twenty mega-city regions with more than ten million people living there. There are also nearly four hundred and fifty city regions with over one million residents. Together they house more than one billion people in a relatively small surface of the earth. As they expand even further， into urbanized regions of over fifty million inhabitants， their footprint will have a direct impact on climate change and the ecological balance of the planet， as well as on the lives of existing and new city dwellers. This article therefore concerns the evolution of the author’s research into the contemporary urban landscape of mega-cities and in particular the intense environments and potentials of overcrowded urban centers on the Indian sub-continent focused on the City of Mumbai（Figure1）.

To talk about the resilient landscape of Mumbai is to talk about intense beauty， emotions， meaningfulness， ecology， patience and time and introduces the potentialities and inherent contradictions of this cosmopolitan landscapea landscape of migration and imagined return，metamorphosis， divided selves， love， death and rebirth.

Perched on the sea and yet anchored to the soil of the Indian Continent， fabulously rich yet achingly poor， a historic trading seaport and now a modern global corporate center as well as home to multiple local street micro-enterprises，grossly overcrowded with social fragmentation and yet tolerant of the multiplicity of diverse ethnic backgrounds and religions， with a core of civic landscapes and heritage buildings yet overwhelmed with an overburdened infrastructure - sewers，water supply， roads and railways and proliferated with squatter shacks （or jopadpattis）on marginal lands， the City of Mumbai still holds sway as India's industrial and financial capital- one that is geographically rich， ecologically adaptive， creative，industrious， stressed- a dense complex unsanitary yet resilient urban land set in a sultry environment，drenched by the monsoon rains and currently in economic and cultural flux with "……dizzying promise and turbocharged ambition"②

The Island City of Mumbai， originally formed from seven islands is perched on the peninsula of Salsette Island on the western coast of India and creates a metropolitan area along with the Bombay Suburban District and Eastern Suburbs including New Bombay. The fact that India is in a period of rapid economic growth and expansion of population in its mega-cities is fairly well understood and documented. Nowhere is this activity more in evidence than in the IslandCity of Mumbai. The city with a population of 14 million has an overall density of 17，550 people per square mile set within a Greater Mumbai with a population of 21 million. Some parts of central downtown Mumbai have a population density of 1 million people per square mile， the highest number of individuals massed together at any spot in the world. The population within the Island City alone is projected to rise from 14 to 21.9 million by 2015. Overpopulation is a leading if not the design issue to be addressed among other pressing issues -such as transportation， shelter， public health， urban flooding and sanitation.

It is a hard-worked land； a city encumbered by fragile yet resilient populations， constrained by the sea， best owed with a sacredness by many， saturated with the sweat of labor and monsoon rains and encumbered by devastated natural systems and a crumbling and a dilapidated built fabric that as VS Napaul has written- "continues to be cherished but continues at the same time to be used with no regret attached to its disintegration"［2］It is also a grossly inhospitable urban environment where access to the fundamentals of shelter， water，power， sanitation， open space， clean air， efficient transportation cannot be taken for granted by a majority of the inhabitants， and where over 60% of the total city population have no formal housing. Instead 52，000 slums hold 8 million urban households at densities of over 525，000 per square mile. The remaining households who fall within the 60% live on the streets as pavement dwellers. Even for those who have access to one room apartments，public transport and sanitation， the city is currently vastly overcrowded with totally inadequate infrastructure， terrible traffic congestion， and threadbare open space. Mumbai ranked 163 out of 218 cities worldwide in the Forbes’ quality of life survey and 124 out of 130 cities in the Economist Intelligence Unit's hardship ratings.

There have been five tendencies perceived in the response the city has made to reshape its physical fabric， buildings， infrastructure and landscape space.

2　FIvE TENDENCIEs

The first is focused on the rich trading and economic prominence and history of this narrow island city and the resulting expansion of the city in successive waves to the north and eastwards. From fishing village， to trading port， to the East India Company to the textile mills to the financial trading houses.

The second tendency is administrative. After the formation of states in India in the mid 1960s，Mumbai became the capital of Maharashtra. The landscape of the city was characterised by the construction of mass housing colonies commercial districts and infrastructure. It was at this time that slums started to appear in the city- zones of dense settlements governed by porous legalities， popular politics， and tactical negotiations over space and survival.

The third tendency and one which often goes counter to its economic ascendancy are the social agendas and welfare and public health actions needed to address the needs of the local population and often more regional issues of the divides of wealth.

The fourth tendency is an emphasis on the importance for the future city of new large-scale engineering and infrastructural changes such as the recent Bandra- Worli Sea Link， over less visible yet more significant local renewal activities.

The fifth tendency of the City’s makeup is extremely pragmatic- an apparent precise use of imprecise materials and a continued disdain for their over-use weathering and destruction； an alert attitude toward culture； an eye for the poignant frailties of the vernacular； and a breath-taking ability to evoke issues of great import- none more so that than the use of the incremental small scale project to effect change. An example is the Chickhlwadi Sanitation Project. Mumbai lacks sanitation facilities for about half its population including the absence of running water and sewerage connections. The Project consists of community toilet blocks designed， constructed and maintained by collectives. They include separate spaces for men， women and children. Finance for construction comes from the state or municipalities， who also have to ensure that water and electricity are provided to the blocks.

3　INDEX

While these five tendencies have or are taking an appropriate role in the evolution of the city， that there are other design activities that have a greater effect on the future form of the city at the ground level. For the remainder of the article I wanted to structure the design topics， environments，explorations and speculations in and around the City of Mumbai in the form of an index③to balance objectively the various participants，aspects， forces and influences at work in the city. Originally from the Latin meaning a discoverer or an indicator， an index， is the most formal and objective of written and graphic structures.It imposes a mental and physical order on a sometimes complex， chaotic and incomprehensible situation， text， place or set of spaces or conditions. （the City of Mumbai often appears as such）. It is one （and only one means at hand） to decipher the City of Mumbai landscape by involving past and present， visions and reality， myth and magic. The story here relies more on daily and seasonal ebb and flow than on linear narrative so that possibly a more comprehensive and richly textured expression of a resilient urban life and the embedded matters of design may emerge.

3.1Atlas

The first entry under is appropriately Atlas，A Sort of Geography. Mumbai consists of two distinct regions: Mumbai City （known as the Island City） and Mumbai Suburban District， which form two separate districts of the State of Maharashtra. The city proper is the most populous city in India and the second most populous in the world. Along with the neighboring suburbs of Navi Mumbai and Thane， it forms the world's 4thlargest urban agglomeration， with around 19-20 million people （Figure2）.

The city of Mumbai covers 438 km2of Salsette Island， although almost a fifth of this area is occupied by the National Park. This means the urban areas are condensed into about 350 km2，with a high gross residential density， about seven times the density of London and where open public space is limited - comprising only 1% of the city's area. Mumbai's more affluent classes live in a corridor stretching along the city's north-south axis. Here taller residential structures are surrounded by densely packed， low-rise squatter dwellings. Lack of investment means the urban infrastructure cannot meet the demands of a growing population. The city of Mumbai itself suffers from important forms of disenfranchisement: although it provides the lion’s share （70%） of the State of Maharashtra’s tax revenues， little of it comes back to the city；and. even more importantly， control of much of its own functioning is in the hands of the state， rather than the city itself. Consequently very little goes to building or maintaining infrastructure in Mumbai. In fact， little infrastructure has significantly been created since the British left in 1947.

3.2Carrying Capacity

A research aspect of this study into both classes of site is concerned with an exploration of 'carrying capacity' as applied to the supportable population of urban sites in Mumbai given available necessities such as an infrastructure of water， power， sanitation， community amenities and food. India and Mumbai survive because they use every material resource including land to its ultimate capacity and therefore can be considered more sustainable as a result of basic necessity compared to the North America or European condition（Figure3）. But sustainability as we are finding has its limits of use as a measure of quality of life and health. The rate of growth and increasing urban densities tax the land and ultimately the population itself beyond hopes of reversal. The real question remains- how much productive land， water resources environmental systems and waste management are required to support Mumbai's population indefinitely at the current consumption level？ What happens to these urban systems with increased consumption as the urban population grows at an accelerated rate？ In attempting to address these questions a more fundamental issue arises - what constitutes overpopulation within the Mumbai context？

Carrying capacity as it can be applied to an urban condition like Mumbai is the number of inhabitants who can be supported in a given area within its natural resource limits without degrading the natural， social， cultural and economic environment for present and future generations. Carrying capacity for any given area is not fixed but may be altered or improved by technological means. However， once an environment is degraded，the carrying capacity shrinks， resulting in an environment that can no longer support the initial population it once did. Within this context the research advances this idea to determine if the carrying capacity of individual districts and estates can provide a model that can be integrated into the details of the new 2011 Metropolitan Plan. However it raises the question of whether it is possible to define a measure of sustainability that does not already contain implicit assumptions about the solution to the problem of resource over-use and environmental degradation.

3.3Collage

It is worth noting that some urban megacenters particularly in Asia are scrupulously tidy，controlled and guarded with their resources，others are more restless， turning up new uses and interpretations during each subsequent generation. But there are also others like Mumbai that have left their physical and cultural resources in their original condition: a vast messy pile of unsorted material across which multinational corporationsand pavement scavengers alike wander， uncovering and pulling up interesting fragments which can be sold or recycled for a price or may come in handy one day in the future. In doing so， the lack of any commanding story， which dictates how resources should be understood and ultimately used， allows space for imagination， pleasure and originality. The city makes a virtue of the fragmented awareness of its own resources and many of these resources have set up their own independent actions， myths and stories. For example， how hot food moves from home to work through the Dabbawalas （Tiffinwallas）， the visual chaos and logic of the public laundry's at the Dhobi Ghat， the saltpans，the rickshaw taxis and paradoxically a set of continuities appears（Figure4）. One is the enduring importance of the larger Mumbai landscape，the region and the watershed. A second is the opportunity for bridging the traumatic chasm dividing the confident ruling minority with the mistrustful yet hard working majority. And a third is the persistence of the idea of informal intelligence about the pragmatic nature of daily human life usually collective rather than individual and the reliability of it across the city at a local scale- in short- the simple idea of the user- generated city.

3.4Design

In the tradition of other major trading cities of the world- Mumbai has taken the energy， deeds，words， and images of others for its own ends；snippets from Manchester， London， Istanbul，Persia and Portugal. The nineteenth century in Bombay saw the emergence of and consolidation of a number of design and engineering symbols of the conquest of this time and space. Two of these not only captured the popular imagination then and still maintain a dominant hold on the structure and fabric of the city- the railway and the museum. The three north-south lines running the length of the island city and beyond created a journey that connected the near and distant， the neighbor and the stranger， redefined the border and the frontier，and captured longer-term changes in snapshot images of the space of the landscape out of the window and transient encounters in the congested carriages. The train came to symbolize not only geographic mobility but integration and progress reaching out from the Island City to the mainland and back again. The museum buildings like those of old London were cathedrals of time established by the mastery of the ruling culture， - the British，leading viewers through the diverse pasts and cultures of distant lands and the record of that journey. Both the railways and museums allowed travel through expanses of time and space， but left open for part of the population， the option of a possibly quick and safe return.

3.5Dharavi

Flying into Mumbai’s International Airport，many visitors’ first view of the city is of a mass of corrugated-roofed shacks clustered around the end of the main runway. The often repeated fact about the city is that approximately 60% of the population have no formal housing. In Mumbai The remaining households and individuals who fall within this 60% live in the streets as pavement dwellers. where the daily chores of sleeping， eating，making for example charcoal or baskets， hawking，child care， washing takes place in the public gaze.52，000 squatter settlements hold 8 million urban households at densities of over 525，000 people per square mile in unregulated structures，usually built of mud or brick and asbestos sheets，with no sanitation.

That is scarcely a viable image for a country's commercial capital that once set Shanghai as its role model， and it is a problem that has defied government action for over 30 years. But hidden in these and Mumbai’s other sprawling squatter settlements is an authentic social structure and entrepreneurial spirit that has spawned businesses ranging from pottery to leather goods， and that is also now beginning to support formal property development. In Dharavi， the largest squatter settlement in Mumbai， covering 220 hectares （530 acres） near the airport， adjacent to a large nature park and a mile or so from the city’s new Bandra-Kurla business district， approximately 100，000 people produce goods worth over $500m a year. Originally a village of Kolis， or fisher folk，living along the banks of Mahim Creek， decades of migration and forced relocations of slum dwellers from other parts of the city have filled in the swamps and carpeted it with a map of contiguous settlements， called nagars. Dharavi， as journalist Kalpana Sharma wrote， "is today a single interrelated construction of villages and townships from all over India" Alleyways a few feet wide lead to bakeries， metal workshops and sheds that recycle discarded plastic goods ranging from cell phones，medical syringes to telephones. Trucks crammed with buffalo， goat and other skins collected from abattoirs push through narrow lanes to grimy tanneries. Nearby， workers in a series of tiny workshops spray-paint， cut and press strips and sheets of leather and vinyl that eventually finishup as wallets， bags and luggage. More than 800 homes are involved in pottery， molding items such as traditional clay water jugs and flower pots on potters’ wheels for sale inside and outside Dharavi. Their kilns， burn wood and other polluting garbage，including tyres of all people Prince Charles praised Dharavi which he visited in 2003 and predicted that "in a few years time such communities will be perceived as best equipped to face the challenges that confront us because they have a built-in resilience and genuinely durable ways of living". The Times of London dubbed this comment and the recent Hollywood depictions of the Mumbai poor as "Poverty Porn".

Abdul Hassan， who was born in Dharavi， runs a metal workshop with his brother and 12 workers. This includes casting items such as brass beltbuckles in small unventilated rooms. In another workshop， the buckles are electroplated with nickel because， say the workers， a nickel finish does not need polishing and is more popular. Governments have rarely dared try to evict the occupants of the slums because they are condemned for destroying the homes of the poor， though 50，000 relatively new dwellings are bulldozed each month. Identifying the positive aspects of Dharavi risks glorifying it or rationalizing it. Some of the qualities extolled by analysts are direct results of deprivation. Low resource consumption such as the scavenging and recycling of asbestos sheets， blue plastic tarpaulin and bamboo scaffolding poles may be good for the earth but it is not the resident’s choice. Organizations such as SPARC （Society of Promotion of Area Resource Centers） based in Mumbai have begun redeveloping small sites on a piecemeal basis in collaboration with residents. Backed in two projects by international aid agencies and banks SPARC have built blocks of 21 sq m （225 sqft） flats that dramatically improve living conditions- but progress is slow. They oppose the Slum Rehabilitation Authority plans to allow private developers to transform Dharavi， turning the unregulated homes and mini-factories into a $1.2 billion showpiece over seven years.

3.6Mill Lands

Among these are the efforts to regenerate the sites of the 58 former textile mills located in the city center and to rebuild and renew about a quarter of the city area that is occupied by housing lands belonging to the State.

The fate of 600 acres （240 hectares） of lands generated by the closure and current abandonment of 58 historic cotton textile mills in the center of the City of Mumbai has been the subject of ongoing research（Figure5）. At the heart of the work is an exploration of environmental processes as a generator of form in urban conditions with limited resources but with extremes of population density， physical deterioration and spatial demarcation. The Mill lands had been the subject of continuous public speculation， acrimonious newspaper articles and intense private scrutiny by professional designers， engineers， government officials and heritage organizations. At stake for the Mill lands are three major issues.

Issue 1- The Milll lands strategic location and role in the continued growth and expansion of the urban fabric and infrastructure of Mumbai within the regional geography and ecology of the Western Gnats and the Sea.

Issue 2- The need to reconsider the structure and urban landscape systems of the Girangaon district （the ‘village of mills’） where the majority of the Mill lands are located.

Issue 3- The nature of regeneration efforts of individual Mill sites as models for growth and development in other parts of the City. And finally absent from the current planning and engineering efforts was recognition of the urban landscape and considerations of its ongoing design as an organizing system for the city.

3.7Monsoon

On Tuesday 26th July 2005 saw record monsoon rainfall， 94cm （37''） in Mumbai and elsewhere along the Western Ghats in a single day. Drainage failed completely and water collected in heavily populated areas. The city's 'storm water drain' the 9 mile long Mithi River， running from Vihar Lake to Mahim Creek flooded and overflowed. Tidal effects compounded poor drainage and lack of land absorption， high tide causes a reverse flow of water from the sea into the drainage system. The loss of life 512 persons due to accidents （mainly drowning and electrocution）was added to by major landslides in the Powai hill area， destroying and burying huts and houses and people. Why did it happen？ - the mouth of the Mithi River had been constricted to a third of its original width by excessive reclamation of land to construct roads- mainly the Bandra-Worli sea link Large scale reclamation and destruction of the mangroves for the construction of the Bandra-Kurla Complex by MMRDA contributed too. Also the Mithi River does not have any ‘flood banks’ to speak of anymore， due to uncontrolled construction on either side. In particular the poorstate of Mumbai’s drainage infrastructure， owing to neglect and indiscriminate construction on mangrove swamps， for example， which used to act as natural floodwater drains， meant the impact was worse than might have been expected elsewhere. The state water-resources minister， AjitPawar，angered many by blaming the proliferation of shanty towns for blocking drains， rather than rapacious developers. A disaster-management plan had in fact been drawn up， with the help of the World Bank， in 2003. This envisaged the augmentation of drainage corridors for public transport， an emergency public information system and wireless communication among emergency services and the transport system. But there was little sign it was followed. The flood showed the worst and the best of the city. Hundreds of people drowned. But unlike the situation after Katrina hit New Orleans， there was no widespread breakdown of civic order； even though the police were absent，the crime rate did not go up- the population were too busy helping each other. Dwellers in the squatter settlements went to the streets and took stranded motorists into their homes and made room for one more person in shacks， where the average occupancy is seven adults to a room. Volunteers waded through polluted waist-deep water to bring food to the 150，000 people stranded in train stations. Impoverished families with little food gave it up to feed those who were wealthy yet trapped. Human chains were formed to get people out of the flood-waters. Most of the government machinery was absent， but nobody expected otherwise. Mumbaikers helped each other， because they had lost faith in the government helping them. The city functions on such invisible networks of assistance.

3.8Housing Renewal Lands

Most of the housing development lands located in the Island. City are between 40 to 60 years old； typically low rise with a maximum amount of undefined open space around them and house tenant society’s as well as municipal or public employees. Most of the buildings and surrounding local streets， lanes， gardens， "maidans"④and public open spaces and recreation fields are dilapidated，crumbling and are in immediate need of urban regeneration and infill. A number of the lands also contain run-down chawls （or workers housing） and illegal slums and pavement dwellers on their sites. These renewal lands are now the most desired and contested urban landscapes by all classes， from land-less squatters， pavement dwellers and working slum-dwellers to established tenants and the middle classes in colonies and estates.

Ultimately， resilience is about a range of creative landscape planning and design approaches and tools to rethink the Island City and to counter urban scale ills and geographically expansive collapses of natural resources and systems. It is less about beauty， less about gratuitous form making and the creation of individual paradigms， rather it is to focus on everyday people lives. The purpose is to understand and include the City’s physical and social margins， to address the question of urban resilience for the majority of the population，to employ broader boundaries as definitions for improvements and renewal， to incorporate the marginalized populace， to plan beyond the economic limits， and to question social definitions.

注釋：

Note:

①Webster Dictionary， 1984.

②2006年6月26日的《時(shí)代雜志》以印度的重新崛起作為一個(gè)全球性的經(jīng)濟(jì)和文化力量為封面故事：“如果你想看一下新的印度，所有令人眼花繚亂的展望和加速的野心，首選前往其最大、最凌亂的城市孟買?！?/p>

Time Magazine in June 26， 2006 in a cover story on the reemergence of India as a global economic and cultural force urged - “if you want to catch a glimpse of the new India，with all its dizzying promise and turbocharged ambition then head to its biggest， messiest， city- Bombay （Mumbai）”.③我要感謝2008年的普利策獎(jiǎng)提名書作者瓊·威克沙姆的《自殺索引》，和帶我入門的專業(yè)書《領(lǐng)土：當(dāng)代歐洲景觀設(shè)計(jì)》。這本書由哈佛大學(xué)設(shè)計(jì)研究生院教授喬？迪斯波奇奧和Dorothee Imbertas編輯，論證了以往的索引模型和它們的組織、結(jié)構(gòu)和現(xiàn)象。

I want to acknowledge Joan Wickersham author of the 2008 Pulitzer Prize nominated book The Suicide Index and The Landscape Abecedary from Territories： Contemporary European Landscape Design edited by GSD Professor’s Joe Disponzio and Dorothee Imbertas demonstrating previous indexing models and their organization， structure and presentation.

④操場(chǎng)是適應(yīng)玩耍和即興運(yùn)動(dòng)的開放、長(zhǎng)草的城市空間，最著名的是孟買的橢圓球場(chǎng)。

Maidans are open grassed city spaces that accommodate playing fields and impromptu sports areas- most famous is the Oval in Mumbai.

⑤本文中的信息是哈佛大學(xué)董事會(huì)、監(jiān)督者和作者的聯(lián)合版權(quán)。沒有作者的授權(quán)不可以任何形式復(fù)制本文檔的任何部分。

The information in this paper is the joint copyright of The President and Overseers of Harvard College and the Author. No reproduction of any part of this document in any form is allowed without express permission of the Author.

⑥文章所有圖片由尼爾?柯克伍德拍攝。

Figure1-5 Photograph by Niall G. Kirkwood.

RESILIENT CITIES: AN INDEX OF MUMBAI， INDIA

Resilience is defined as "the capacity of an ecosystem to tolerate disturbance without collapsing”. Resilience is therefore conferred in human and ecological systems by their capacity for recovery and future adaptation as well as perhaps the given ability of humans to anticipate and plan for that future using that knowledge. With the aim of projecting harmonious， humanistic and sustainable forms of landscape architecture， processes of urbanism， and future cities and communities， this article will address the following issues： what are the key ideas of contemporary landscape architecture practice that concerns what I am calling ‘resilient landscapes’ What are its historic roots and how might it be organized？And what role might heritage； values， balance and adaptation play in the process？Two topics will be introduced that address or seem to confront and explore the idea of ‘resilient landscapes’- the role of post-industrial landscapes in the global environment and the design and infrastructure issues in the informal landscape found in predominantly developing countries such as India. The article will expand on these topics through the case of the City of Mumbai， India and will explore whether， and how， metropolitan centers and their ‘resilient landscapes’ can be sustainable and socially just including addressing an understanding of ecology beyond the environmental to include the societal， political， and the cultural.

Resilient Land； Landscape Ecology； Landscape Design； Sustainability； Land Reclamation； Ecosystem Design and Repair

TU986

A

1673-1530（2016）01-0016-16

10.14085/j.fjyl.2016.01.0016.16

2015-10-25

尼爾·G·柯克伍德/博士/哈佛大學(xué)設(shè)計(jì)研究生院（GSD）教授、“技術(shù)和環(huán)境中心”主任、風(fēng)景園林學(xué)系原主任/北愛爾蘭厄爾斯特大學(xué)客座教授

劉瓊琳/1972年生/女/廣州人/華南理工大學(xué)建筑學(xué)院博士/廣州筑鼎建筑與規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)院高級(jí)工程師/研究方向：嶺南傳統(tǒng)建筑理論與創(chuàng)作研究（510176）

About the Author：

Niall G. Kirkwood is a tenured Professor at the Harvard University Graduate School of Design. He is also founder and director of the Center for Technology and Environment，a research， advisory， and executive education center at the Harvard GSD. Currently the Center focuses on designreclamation， real estate and land development issues on sites in Asia， India， Europe， North America and the Middle East. He held the position of Chair of the Department of Landscape Architecture at the GSD （2003-2009） and Program Director （1998-2003， 2005-2008）.

About the Translator:

Qionglin Liu， born in 1972， obtains PhD. in School of Architecture， South China University of Technology. She is an architectural design senior engineer in Guangzhou Zoneteam Architectural Design & Urban Planning Institute Co. Ltd.， China. She researches on Lingnan traditionalarchitectural theory and creation.

［1］Mehta， Suketa. Maximum City， Bombay Lost and Found，New York： Alfred A.Knopf，2004.

［2］Naipaul，V S. An Area of Darkness，A Discovery of India，New York：Vintage Books，2002.