卡羅拉·S·諾伊格鮑爾，安娜·瑪利克·韋伯，克里斯塔·萊歇爾/Carola S. Neugebauer, Anna Marijke Weber, Christa Reicher陳茜 譯/Translated by CHEN Xi

1 礦業(yè)經(jīng)歷

自中世紀(jì)早期以來(lái)，采礦業(yè)及其擴(kuò)張、技術(shù)發(fā)展與衰敗的各個(gè)階段深刻塑造了歐洲的空間與人。德國(guó)的厄爾士山脈就令人回想起這段悠久歷史及其遺產(chǎn)。2019 年7 月被評(píng)定為聯(lián)合國(guó)教科文組織世界遺產(chǎn)，代表厄爾士的早期礦石開(kāi)采的及其多元化影響價(jià)值得到了認(rèn)可。12 世紀(jì)中葉起，人們開(kāi)始對(duì)銀、錫、銅、鐵等金屬進(jìn)行開(kāi)采，15 世紀(jì)采礦業(yè)的擴(kuò)張，不僅帶來(lái)了“前資本主義的經(jīng)濟(jì)融資體系”和“用于深井開(kāi)采的新技術(shù)與其他創(chuàng)新”[1]7，同時(shí)也誕生了一批礦工定居點(diǎn)和城鎮(zhèn)?；浇绦叛錾羁体^固于礦工們的思想意識(shí)中，宗教傳統(tǒng)反過(guò)來(lái)也成為了采礦的精神符號(hào)。由于采礦業(yè)的起起伏伏，經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的替代性分支產(chǎn)業(yè)獲得發(fā)展，16 世紀(jì)時(shí)興起了如紡織品、玻璃、紙張、鐘表等手工制造業(yè)以及木工行業(yè)（玩具制造），到19 世紀(jì)則迎來(lái)了汽車工程、機(jī)械工程與工具工業(yè)[1]8。大學(xué)的建立與這些發(fā)展緊密相關(guān)[2]。在德國(guó)戈斯拉爾的哈茨山區(qū)、俄羅斯的烏拉爾山脈、瑞典的法倫、英國(guó)的德文郡和康沃爾及斯洛伐克的班斯卡什佳夫尼察，前現(xiàn)代礦業(yè)開(kāi)采的歷史也以與之類似又各具特色的方式塑造了當(dāng)?shù)氐娜伺c空間。

工業(yè)化將采礦業(yè)帶向鼎盛時(shí)期。魯爾地區(qū)的硬煤開(kāi)采就是其中的代表。在19 世紀(jì)，鐵路的建造和蒸汽機(jī)的使用，令魯爾河實(shí)現(xiàn)了通航，奠定了該地區(qū)進(jìn)行高度工業(yè)化采礦的基礎(chǔ)，因而使得工業(yè)化的深井采煤成為可能。區(qū)域內(nèi)的中世紀(jì)城市也蛻變成為工業(yè)城市，并經(jīng)歷了幾次國(guó)際移民浪潮。20 世紀(jì)上半葉硬煤開(kāi)采的擴(kuò)張的同時(shí)，化學(xué)工業(yè)、國(guó)防工業(yè)以及電力行業(yè)等新興產(chǎn)業(yè)相伴發(fā)展。高度工業(yè)化的煤炭和鋼鐵產(chǎn)業(yè)集群令所在地區(qū)遭到了嚴(yán)重的環(huán)境破壞（大量的空氣和水污染），這樣的變化也引發(fā)了外部對(duì)整個(gè)區(qū)域的負(fù)面看法。在波蘭的西里西亞和烏克蘭的頓巴斯等歐洲城市，當(dāng)時(shí)的硬煤開(kāi)采強(qiáng)度與魯爾區(qū)無(wú)異。法國(guó)的北部加來(lái)海峽地區(qū)，作為煤炭開(kāi)采的早期工業(yè)重地，如今也成為了聯(lián)合國(guó)教科文組織世界遺產(chǎn)地。

露天褐煤開(kāi)采是歐洲高度工業(yè)化采礦的另一種形式。在德國(guó)，它已在盧薩蒂亞、萊茵河流域、德國(guó)中部和黑爾姆施泰特等地區(qū)運(yùn)營(yíng)了150 年。由于其景觀消耗的特征，只有在歐洲的農(nóng)村地區(qū)才可能進(jìn)行，這樣可以使得因露天采礦而進(jìn)行的居民遷移相對(duì)較少。

以上這幾例歷史的關(guān)鍵時(shí)刻，刻畫出礦業(yè)遺跡地的高度多樣化。歐洲的采礦業(yè)隨資源、技術(shù)和歷史時(shí)期而呈現(xiàn)出不同的面貌。這包含了物質(zhì)層面及非物質(zhì)層面的多種元素——如礦井與礦山，采礦技術(shù)設(shè)備與相關(guān)貿(mào)易，定居點(diǎn)與景觀以及被采礦業(yè)塑造并強(qiáng)化的手工藝、美術(shù)、音樂(lè)、文學(xué)、語(yǔ)言和宗教實(shí)踐的傳統(tǒng)。此外，上述案例均揭示了采礦這一產(chǎn)業(yè)在各地區(qū)及當(dāng)?shù)鼐用竦慕?jīng)濟(jì)、社會(huì)文化與生態(tài)發(fā)展之間創(chuàng)造的緊密且復(fù)雜的關(guān)聯(lián)。采礦并非純粹的單領(lǐng)域經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)，也是景觀和環(huán)境資源、聚居點(diǎn)居民及其日常生活、知識(shí)與文化的構(gòu)成要素。

2 后礦業(yè)挑戰(zhàn)

幾個(gè)世紀(jì)以來(lái)，當(dāng)?shù)鼐用穸嗍亲园l(fā)地不斷適應(yīng)著采礦產(chǎn)業(yè)的衰敗所帶來(lái)的后果。礦廠關(guān)閉后，他們轉(zhuǎn)移到相關(guān)的工業(yè)產(chǎn)業(yè)，多多少少算是成功進(jìn)入了替代經(jīng)濟(jì)領(lǐng)域的發(fā)展，還有一些移民到其他地方。大自然重新奪回了對(duì)廢棄采礦地的主權(quán)。只有在20 世紀(jì)下半葉，工業(yè)化開(kāi)采對(duì)空間和社會(huì)產(chǎn)生嚴(yán)重而深刻的影響之時(shí)，對(duì)后礦業(yè)多層次遺留后果的敏感程度才有所增加。如何應(yīng)對(duì)其基礎(chǔ)影響的批判性思考開(kāi)始發(fā)展，對(duì)“設(shè)計(jì)”后礦業(yè)未來(lái)的呼吁開(kāi)始涌現(xiàn)——努力在社會(huì)、經(jīng)濟(jì)和環(huán)境上都實(shí)現(xiàn)可持續(xù)的、整合的且平衡的轉(zhuǎn)型。大規(guī)模的后礦業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型需要在空間層次進(jìn)行設(shè)計(jì)嗎？我們?nèi)绾尾拍軐?shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)？這樣的問(wèn)題成為了話題的核心。

時(shí)至今日，該問(wèn)題的重要性仍難以摘除。一方面，世界各地包括歐洲在內(nèi)的開(kāi)采活動(dòng)與未來(lái)礦業(yè)規(guī)劃仍然繼續(xù)進(jìn)行著。相關(guān)地區(qū)及其居民終歸將面臨后礦業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型的挑戰(zhàn)，并努力實(shí)現(xiàn)最佳結(jié)果。另一方面，現(xiàn)今我們已然見(jiàn)證了上面提到的德國(guó)4 個(gè)褐煤開(kāi)采區(qū)中最終面對(duì)后礦業(yè)時(shí)代的“設(shè)計(jì)”時(shí)那些具體而嚴(yán)峻的挑戰(zhàn)。鑒于全球范圍內(nèi)不斷增長(zhǎng)的環(huán)境保護(hù)和氣候變化意識(shí)，對(duì)化石燃料和褐煤開(kāi)采的反對(duì)日益加劇，德國(guó)政府于2019 年1 月宣布，到2038 年將完全取消褐煤開(kāi)采。這一決定在實(shí)際上宣告了德國(guó)大規(guī)模采礦業(yè)的結(jié)束。至少400 億歐元的國(guó)家資金被承諾用于支持露天采礦地區(qū)的基礎(chǔ)轉(zhuǎn)型的過(guò)程。

3 為后礦業(yè)空間轉(zhuǎn)型而設(shè)計(jì)

在此背景下，我們亟需圍繞為空間與人“設(shè)計(jì)”后礦業(yè)可持續(xù)轉(zhuǎn)變的有效方法而進(jìn)行反思與探討。本期專輯為此提供了良好的契機(jī)，故在匯編過(guò)程中我們特別堅(jiān)持了以下兩點(diǎn)原則：一，通過(guò)設(shè)計(jì)項(xiàng)目的比較展開(kāi)以推動(dòng)學(xué)習(xí)借鑒；二，借此提升對(duì)本土后礦業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)與地域化轉(zhuǎn)型方法的依賴性關(guān)聯(lián)意識(shí)。

1 Experiences of mining

Mining and its phases of expansion,technological development and decline have shaped spaces and people in Europe since the early middle ages. The Ore Mountains (Erzgebirge) in Germany reminds of this long history and heritage. The UNESCO world heritage region since July 2019 stands for the early ore mining and its various impacts. In the middle of the 12th century the mining of silver, tin, copper and iron started and its expansion in the 15th century brought about not only "pre-capitalistic economic systems of financing"and "new technologies for deep mining and other innovations"[1]7, but also mining settlements and towns. The Christian religion was anchored in the miners' consciousness and religious traditions took up symbols of mining in turn. As a result of the ups and downs in mining, alternative branches of the economy developed like the manufacturing of textiles, glass, paper, watches and the woodworking trades (toy manufacture) since the 16th century, and automotive engineering, mechanical engineering and the tool industry in the 19th century[1]8.University foundations were closely related to these developments[2]. In a similar and yet specific way, premodern ore mining was also shaped by people and spaces in the Harz region (Gosslar, Germany), the Ural Mountains (Russia), Falun in Sweden, Devon and Cornwall (England) or in Banská ?tiavnica(Slovakia).

Industrialisation brought a heyday to mining.Hard coal mining in the Ruhr region is an example of this. Here, in the 19th century, the foundations for highly industrial mining were laid by making the river Ruhr navigable, by constructing railways and by using steam engines, which made industrial deep coal mining possible. The medieval cities of the region grew into industrial cities and experienced several waves of international immigration. The expansion of hard coal mining in the first half of the 20th century was accompanied by new industries such as the chemical and defense industries and electricity generation. The highly industrialised coal and steel cluster shaped the region through severe environmental damages (massive air and water pollution) and was accompanied by a negative external perception of the whole region. Hard coal was mined at similar intensities in Europe in Silesia (Poland) and in Donbas (Ukraine). An early industrial focal point of coal mining was the region of Nord-Pas de Calais, also with UNESCO world heritage sites.

Lignite mining as opencast technique is another form of highly industrialised mining in Europe. In Germany, it has been operated for 150 years in the Lusatian, Rhine, Central German and Helmstedt districts. With its landscape-consuming character,it is possible above all in rural regions in Europe,where it means the resettlement for comparatively few people.

These few highlights of history underline the great variety of mining heritage. Mining in Europe differs according to the resource, technique and historic period of mining. It comprises material as well as immaterial layers, e.g. pits and mines,technical facilities of mining and accompanying businesses, settlements and landscapes as well as traditions of craftsmanship and religion, art, music,literature and language shaped and consolidated by mining. Moreover, the examples above underline the tight and complex connections that mining creates between the economic, socio-cultural and ecological development of the regions and their people. Mining is not a sectoral economic activity, but formative for the landscape and environmental resources, for settlements and people with their everyday lives,knowledge and culture.

2 Challenges of post-mining

Over centuries, local people mainly selfarranged with and adapted to the consequences of mining downs. When mines closed down, they shifted to adjacent industries, developed more or less successfully alternative economic spheres or emigrated to other places. The nature recaptured abandoned sites of mining. Only in the second half of the 20th century, when the industrialised mining affected harshly and deeply on spaces and society,the sensitivity to the multi-layered consequences of post-mining grew. Critical thinking developed how to cope with the fundamental impacts and calls emerged to "design" the post-mining future,striving for sustainable, integrated and balanced transformations within society, economy and environment. One question became central: How can, and do we design the great post-mining transformation in space?

This question is of unbroken relevance till today. On the one hand, there are continuing mining activities and future planning for mining worldwide and including Europe. One day, the concerned regions and people will face the challenges of postmining transition and strive at making the best out of it. On the other hand, we witness already today the concrete and large-scale challenge to "design"the post-mining era in the last, four lignite mining districts in Germany, mentioned above. In line with the worldwide growing awareness for environmental protection and climate change, which turns also against fossil fuels and lignite mining, the German government declared in January 2019 to withdraw from lignite mining by 2038. The decision ends large-scale mining in Germany in general. At least 40 billion euros of state funding is promised to support the fundamental transformation processes in the opencast-mining regions.

3 Designs for post-mining transformation

Against this background, reflections and discussions on promising approaches to "design"sustainable post-mining transitions in space and for people are highly needed. This theme issue constitutes a great opportunity to do so and we thus pursued in particular two rationales when compiling the issue: firstly, to encourage learning by comparing projects of design; secondly, to sensitise for the interdependency of local post-mining designs and regional approaches to transformation.

3.1 Comparing post-mining designs

Europe shows many and manifold projects dedicated to the revitalisation, reuse and reinterpretation of former mining sites. Enabling the comparison of contrasting as well as similar design projects is the important precondition to learn from this variety. The issue thus displays a broad array of scales, functional programmes, disciplinary approaches, esthetics and local contexts of postmining designs in Europe.

3.1 后礦業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)比較

關(guān)于前礦業(yè)地區(qū)的復(fù)興、再利用和重譯，歐洲已有豐富多樣的項(xiàng)目案例。提供對(duì)類似設(shè)計(jì)項(xiàng)目進(jìn)行比較和對(duì)比的可能性條件是從案例多樣性中汲取經(jīng)驗(yàn)的重要前提。因此，本期專輯收錄展示了無(wú)論在尺度范圍、功能組成、學(xué)科方法、審美視角還是所在語(yǔ)境都呈現(xiàn)出廣泛差異的歐洲后礦業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)。

例如，西里西亞卡托維茲（圖1，見(jiàn)70 頁(yè)）、埃森和蓋爾森基興的案例展示了獨(dú)棟采礦大廈的再設(shè)計(jì)。建筑適應(yīng)了新的功能需求，向今昔展示著過(guò)去的采礦歷史文化（借助博物館的形式，如魯爾博物館，見(jiàn)46 頁(yè)），承載新的經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)（如原北極星煤礦的現(xiàn)代化辦公樓，見(jiàn)56 頁(yè)；貝靈恩be-MINE的休閑設(shè)施和購(gòu)物中心，圖2，見(jiàn)26 頁(yè)），成為教育基地或新的文化引擎（如蓋爾森基興的音樂(lè)排練中心或瓦尼的“礦坑9 號(hào)乙”，圖3、4）。

貝爾瓦爾、基律納和魯爾地區(qū)的例子補(bǔ)充說(shuō)明了社區(qū)和景觀的尺度。它們佐證了功能植入的多樣性，如服務(wù)于居住、商業(yè)、娛樂(lè)和科學(xué)等，但特別凸顯了規(guī)劃與藝術(shù)多學(xué)科的富有成效的相互作用。原北極星煤礦開(kāi)采點(diǎn)和申格爾貝格工人定居點(diǎn)（圖5，見(jiàn)52 頁(yè))的案例，將建筑、城市設(shè)計(jì)、景觀與藝術(shù)做了很好的整合。

所有地方化的后礦業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)都主要是通過(guò)提出新的適應(yīng)性使用方式來(lái)發(fā)掘和重新增加當(dāng)?shù)氐囊司有?，并在?chuàng)造具有吸引力的全新開(kāi)放空間的同時(shí)，修復(fù)采礦造成的環(huán)境破壞。如此一來(lái)，這些項(xiàng)目往往憑借中長(zhǎng)期的規(guī)劃展現(xiàn)出轉(zhuǎn)型的動(dòng)力：通過(guò)提出新的想法和為這些地點(diǎn)創(chuàng)造新的身份與正面認(rèn)知，許多項(xiàng)目成功推動(dòng)了經(jīng)濟(jì)、社會(huì)文化和生態(tài)在短期效果基礎(chǔ)上的進(jìn)一步轉(zhuǎn)變。案例比較顯示出，歐洲的眾多后礦業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)不僅僅是大規(guī)模的針對(duì)性設(shè)計(jì)，而且是累積式的增量項(xiàng)目，其發(fā)展演化可以基于各方參與者和建筑師的專業(yè)操作而持續(xù)數(shù)十年。

設(shè)計(jì)思想與創(chuàng)新總是隨著時(shí)間的推移不斷被重塑以適應(yīng)現(xiàn)狀。雨果和哈塞爾煤礦的案例（見(jiàn)阿克塞爾·廷佩的文章，見(jiàn)38 頁(yè)）很好地展示了這一點(diǎn)。彼得·拉茨在1990 年代為北杜伊斯堡景觀公園（見(jiàn)60 頁(yè)）提出的“工業(yè)自然”概念，直到今天仍然啟發(fā)著后礦業(yè)公園的設(shè)計(jì)，并逐漸演變?yōu)榱诵碌摹肮I(yè)化自然”的新理念：后煤礦公園成為一個(gè)再生能源的公園，從而回應(yīng)了長(zhǎng)期的宜居性提升需求和當(dāng)前的資源保護(hù)的需求。

對(duì)遺跡地歷史和遺產(chǎn)的強(qiáng)烈參照是歐洲后礦業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)的另一個(gè)特征。安娜·瑪利克·韋伯在她的論文《多面性——建筑轉(zhuǎn)型的工具》（見(jiàn)14 頁(yè)）中更為詳盡地研究了這一點(diǎn)。通過(guò)對(duì)一些后礦業(yè)建筑設(shè)計(jì)的比較，她闡明了設(shè)計(jì)如何處理物質(zhì)性與非物質(zhì)性，如何處理真實(shí)的與關(guān)聯(lián)的后礦業(yè)地點(diǎn)遺產(chǎn)。她揭示了這些設(shè)計(jì)的相似性和差異性，從而指向了既有獨(dú)特性和創(chuàng)新性的張力，也有效仿可轉(zhuǎn)移性原則的結(jié)論。安娜的供稿明確指出了比較研究作為產(chǎn)出新知識(shí)和促進(jìn)相互學(xué)習(xí)的一種策略而具有的價(jià)值。這可能會(huì)激發(fā)對(duì)上述某些觀察結(jié)果更詳細(xì)探討的進(jìn)一步研究，例如，后礦業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)如何以及為何展現(xiàn)（或沒(méi)有）當(dāng)?shù)氐霓D(zhuǎn)型動(dòng)力。

3.2 反思后礦業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型中地方設(shè)計(jì)與區(qū)域方法的連結(jié)

庫(kù)恩、索洛寧娜、和哈伊杜加等作者在本期中的供稿回顧了后礦業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型區(qū)域的尺度，引發(fā)對(duì)歐洲一些規(guī)模最大的（后）礦業(yè)區(qū)域的關(guān)注。然而除尺度外，這些文章也指向了對(duì)連結(jié)的關(guān)注，將當(dāng)?shù)睾蟮V業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)與區(qū)域狀況及方法聯(lián)系起來(lái)，以應(yīng)對(duì)復(fù)雜的后礦業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型。

理想狀態(tài)下，兩個(gè)“設(shè)計(jì)層級(jí)”以積極的、支持性的方式相互作用。 區(qū)域方法通過(guò)諸如在財(cái)政上的統(tǒng)籌、指導(dǎo)和支持來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn)對(duì)當(dāng)?shù)睾蟮V業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)與各方轉(zhuǎn)化舉措的理想嵌合。反過(guò)來(lái)，如上所述，當(dāng)?shù)氐暮蟮V業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)可以展現(xiàn)轉(zhuǎn)型動(dòng)力，并影響其鄰近地區(qū)或更廣范圍的發(fā)展，或作為大眾周知的地標(biāo)（如魯爾博物館和北杜伊斯堡景觀公園），或作為日常生活中的被珍視與喜愛(ài)的去處。

德國(guó)魯爾地區(qū)1989-1999 年的埃姆舍爾公園國(guó)際建筑展是積極進(jìn)行地方-區(qū)域連結(jié)設(shè)計(jì)的一個(gè)好例子。在魯爾區(qū)及其他案例中（參見(jiàn)庫(kù)恩文章中說(shuō)明的皮克勒親王郡國(guó)際建筑展，66 頁(yè)），國(guó)際建筑展被印證為一種有價(jià)值的戰(zhàn)略性規(guī)劃方法，可以在區(qū)域?qū)用嫔霞ぐl(fā)和協(xié)調(diào)當(dāng)?shù)氐暮蟮V業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)，并鼓勵(lì)國(guó)家、社會(huì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)領(lǐng)域的各色人員投入該區(qū)域的轉(zhuǎn)型中。IBA 方法還有助于該區(qū)域空間層面轉(zhuǎn)型的總體思路和概念的設(shè)計(jì)（參見(jiàn)論文《歐洲地區(qū)后礦業(yè)空間轉(zhuǎn)型的設(shè)計(jì)方法》，20 頁(yè)）。

然而，區(qū)域和地方后礦業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)之間的互關(guān)并非是普適性的。在烏拉爾山脈的案例中（見(jiàn)82 頁(yè)），這種連結(jié)不復(fù)存在。由于在區(qū)域及更高層級(jí)上缺少政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)和規(guī)劃層面的支持和關(guān)注，當(dāng)?shù)氐暮蟮V業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)只能退回到自助式操作，回到荒蕪與衰敗的浪漫主義。更廣泛的條件決定了后礦業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)在地方和區(qū)域?qū)用娴姆秶?、速度和轉(zhuǎn)化影響。在萊歇爾和諾伊格鮑爾的文章（見(jiàn)20 頁(yè)）中指出，無(wú)論是區(qū)域?qū)蛹?jí)的IBA 等戰(zhàn)略性規(guī)劃方法，還是地方層級(jí)進(jìn)行的后礦業(yè)規(guī)劃，獨(dú)自作用都不足以保證成功且可持續(xù)的后礦業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型。倒是若干要素與舉措的相互作用似乎在歐洲案例中成效卓著。

還有曾出現(xiàn)并不斷出現(xiàn)的問(wèn)題是：這些從歐洲案例中得出的結(jié)論在全球語(yǔ)境內(nèi)具有多高的可靠程度？在中國(guó)能夠引發(fā)進(jìn)一步相互學(xué)習(xí)的后礦業(yè)經(jīng)驗(yàn)，包括地方和區(qū)域?qū)哟蔚脑O(shè)計(jì)是什么？我們希望本期專輯可以吸引讀者關(guān)注對(duì)這些議題展開(kāi)交流的可能性?！?/p>

1 波蘭西里西亞省博物館于2015年在原先的卡托維茲礦井開(kāi)設(shè)了新館/Muzeum Silesia opened its new seat in the former"Katowice" mine in 2015（圖片來(lái)源/Source: Industrial Monuments Route）

2 貝靈恩be-mine的休閑設(shè)施/Leisure facilities and shopping in Beringen be-MINE

3 礦坑9號(hào)乙全貌。除了使歷史遺產(chǎn)重新煥發(fā)活力之外，該地還需要一個(gè)現(xiàn)代化舉措，將使該地的新音樂(lè)方向更加明確/Overview of Fosse 9-9bis. In addition to the revitalised historical legacy the site needed a contemporary act which would crystallise the site's new music orientation

4 礦坑9號(hào)乙Métaphone音樂(lè)廳，既是音樂(lè)廳又是城市樂(lè)器/The Métaphone in Fosse 9-9bis is a concert hall and urban musical instrument（3.4圖片來(lái)源/Sources: ?Hérault Arnod Architectures）

5 俯瞰申格爾貝格工人定居點(diǎn)/View of the workers' settlement of Schüngelberg

The contributions about Katowice (Fig. 1, page 70), Essen and Gelsenkirchen show, for example,the re-design of single mining edifices. Buildings are adapted to new functions, presenting today the past mining history and culture (e.g. in form of museums like the Ruhr Museum, page 46) and hosting new economic activities (e.g. modern offices on the former Nordstern colliery, page 56; leisure facilities and shopping Beringen be-MINE, Fig. 2, page 26),hotspots for education or new cultural impulses like a music rehearsal centre in Gelsenkirchen or the site of "Fosse 9-9bis" in Oignies (Fig. 3, 4).

The examples of Belval, Kiruna and the Ruhr region address in addition the scale of neighbourhoods and landscapes. They exemplify the diversity of functional programming too (e.g. serving for housing, business, recreation and science), but highlight in particular the fruitful interplay of various planning and artistic disciplines. The former colliery Nordstern and the works settlement of Schüngelberg (Fig. 5, page 52), bringing together architecture, urban design, landscape architecture and art, are examples here.

All the local post-mining designs aim primarily to discover and re-increase local livability by proposing new and adapted uses, and to repair the environmental damages of mining when creating new attractive open spaces. In doing so, the projects often unfold transformative power in a mid- and longterm perspective: Many of them foster successfully the further economic, socio-cultural and ecological transformation of their proximities by giving new ideas, by creating new identities and positive awareness for the sites. The comparison of the examples reveal that many post-mining designs in Europe are not only big ad-hoc designs, but incremental projects, evolving over decades and drawing on the expertise of various actors and architects.

Ideas and innovations in designs are reformed over time and adapted to the present. The example of the colliery Hugo and Hassel (cf. paper of Axel Timpe,page 38) shows that nicely. The concept of "industrial nature", which Peter Latz developed in the 1990s for the landscape park Duisburg-Nord (page 60)with inspirations for post-mining park designs till today, turns here to the new idea of a "industrialised nature": The post-coal mining park becomes a park of re-growing fuels that thus responds to the longstanding need of increased livability and the current demand for resource conservation.

The strong reference to the history and heritage on site is another feature of European postmining designs. Anna Marijke Weber researches this reference in her paper Polyvalence: A Tool for Architectural Transformation (page 14). Comparing several post-mining designs in architecture, she sheds light on how designs deal with the material and immaterial, with authentic and associative legacies of the past mining sites. She reveals similarities and differences of designs and thus point to the tension between the specificity and innovation, on the one hand, and the principle ,imitation, transferability in design, on the other.Anna's contribution points explicitly to the value of comparison as strategy to generate new knowledge and to facilitate mutual learning. It may encourage further research that explores in more detail some of the aforementioned observations, for example,how and why post-mining designs unfold locally transformative power or not.

3.2 Reflecting the nexus of local designs and regional approaches to post-mining transformation

The contributions of Kuhn, Solonina et al.and Hajduga et al. in this issue recall the regional scale of post-mining transformation, when drawing attention to some of the biggest (post) mining regions in Europe. Apart from the scale, however,these contributions point also to the nexus, which links the local post-mining designs with the regional circumstances and approaches to cope with the complex post-mining transformations.

Ideally, both "levels of design" interplay in a positive, supportive manner. Regional approaches ideally embed, e.g. charge, inform or support at least financially and politically local post-mining designs and respective local initiatives for transformation.In turn - and as mentioned above - local postmining designs can unfold transformative power and impact on the development of their close proximities and the broader region, either as widely known icons (e.g. the Ruhr Museum and landscape park Duisburg-Nord) or as valuable and appreciated places of daily life.

One good example for the positive design of the local-regional nexus has been the International Building Exhibition (IBA) Emscher Park in 1989-1999 in Ruhr region of Germany. In the Ruhr region and in other examples (cf. Kuhn: IBA Fürst-Pückler Land, 2000-2010, page 66), the IBA proved to be a valuable strategic planning approach, which can stimulate and coordinate local post-mining designs on a regional level and encourage the commitment for the region of various actors in state, society and economy. The IBA approach can also help to design overall ideas and concepts for the spatial transformation of the region (cf. Approaches to Design Post-mining Transformations in European Regions, page 20).

Yet, the interdependence between regional and local post-mining designs does not work out well everywhere. In the case of the Ural Mountains(page 82), this nexus is missing. Local post-mining designs fall here back to Do-it-Yourself initiatives and the romanticism of wilderness and decay,since political, economic and planning support and interest are lacking at the regional and upper levels. The broader circumstances are thus decisive for the scope, pace and transformative impacts of post-mining designs at the local and regional level.In their contribution, Reicher and Neugebauer point out that neither strategic planning approaches like IBA at the regional level, nor local post-mining planning alone are sufficient to condition successful and sustainable post-mining transitions (page 20). Rather, the interplay of several factors and initiatives seems to be relevant in the European cases.

Some questions, which then and constantly comes up: To what extent do these European conclusions hold true in other global contexts? What are post-mining experiences as well as local and regional designs in China that could trigger further mutual learning? We hope that this thematic issue draws attention to the potential of mutual exchange on these questions.□